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OTJE INDIAN WAEDS.

BY
GEORGE W. MANYPENNY,

COMMISSIONEK OP INDIAN AFFAIRS FROM MARCH, 1853, UNTIL MARCH, 1857;

AND Chairman op the Siotjx Commission op 1876.

"Is NOT THE GOVEENMBNT STUONQ ENOUGH TO KEEP ITS AGBEB-

MENTS WITH US ? " — Cliief Ouray.

CINCINNATI: '■ '.
EOBEET CLAE'KE & CO.
1880.

COPYEIGHT.

GEORGE W. MANYPENNY
1880.

CONTENTS.

Inthoduotory vii

CHAPTER I. ^/
The keception of the early kxplokerr by the North American Indians.
— ^The conduct op the former toward the latter: — Grants by En-

EOPEAN POWERS TO THKIR SUBJECTS. — The LANDINS OF THE PiLGRlMS. — ■
The DESTRUCTION OF THE PeQUODS, ETC 1-15

CHAPTER II. ^

The INTERCOURSE AND DEALINGS OF WiLUAM PeNN WITH THE INDIANS. — ThE
IMPRESSION MADE UPON THEM. — PeNn's DESCRIPTION OP THE INDIANS AS
he FOUND THEM 16-32

CHAPTER III.
Events immediately preceding and following the treaty of Paris, in
1763. — Cessions by France and Spain of their rights to territory
east op the Mississippi. — Conspiracy op Pontiac. — Troops raised in
Pennsylvania and Virginia. — Bounty for Indian scalps. — Whites
occupy the Ohio valley. — Enter Kentucky and the Northwest
Territory. — Rupture between Great Britain and her colonies. —
Beginning of the Revolutionary War, etc 33-51

CHAPTER IV.
Events following the treaty of peace. — The effect upon the Indians. —
The frontier posts remain in the hands of the British. — Complica-
tions resulting therefrom. — Military expeditions against the In-
dians. — Interview at Niagara between United States commission-
ers AND DEPUTATIONS PROM THE INDIAN NATIONS, ETC 52-72

CHAPTER V.
St. Clair's defeat communicated to Congress. — Another campaign pbo-

jected. — Gen. Wayne assigned to command it. — The Indians defeated.

Treaty of Greenville. — A boundary or division line adopted. —

More territory demanded from the Indians. — Subsequent treaties and
their effect. — Rupture between Tecumseh and Gen. Harrison. — Bat-
tle OF Tippecanoe. — Tecumseh joins the British, and is killed at the

battle of THE ThAMES, ETC 73-91

(iii)

IV CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VI.
Eaklt treaties with the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creers. —
Message of PREsinENT Monroe, and views op John C. Cai.houx, Secre-
tary OF War, recommending the remotal of the Indian nations re-
siding east op thp. Mississippi riter to the west side. — Views op
James Barbodr, SECRETARr of War, on the same subject. — Message op
President Jackson recommending this removal. — Act op Congress pro-
viding for the same passed Mat 28, 1830 92-110

CHAPTER VII. ^
Dedication op the cotrNTRT westXop the Mississippi river for a permanent

HOME FOR the InDIANS RESIMNG EAST OF IT.— GdARANTEE.S THAT THIS
NEW HOME SHOULD NEVER BE EMBRACED WITHIN THE LIMITS OP ANT OR-
GANIZED STATE OR TERRITORY. -^ThE TRIBES THAT EMIGRATED. — ThBIR
" LOST MONEY." — ThE ANNEXATION OF TeXAS AND OTHER ACQIISITIONS. — ThE
EFFECT UPON THE INDIANS. — DEMANDS THAT THE COUNTRY SHOULD BE OPENED
TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE WHITE PEOPLE. — ORGANIZATION OF THE TERRI-
TORY OF Kansas. — Its effect on the emigrated tribes — Treaties of
1854. — Intrusion OF the whites. — Military officers at Fort Leaven-
worth SYMPATHIZE WITH THE " SQUATTERS." — The RESERVATIONS OF THE

Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, etc 111-133

CHAPTER Vlll. t^
The removal of Indian tribes. — The story of one removal substantially

THE story of all. — ThB REMOVAL OP THE SaNTEE SiODX AND WiSNBBAGO

Indians.— The destruction of the buffalo and small game. — Its effect
ON THE Indians of the plains 134-150

/

-^CHAPTER IX. V
Thk Indians on the Pacific slope, Texas, New Mexico, and the territory
embraced in Utah, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, Ari-
zona, AND paKt of Dakota. — The incursions op whites previous to any

arrangement with the Indians. — Complications, wars, and treaties.

Destruction of Liecten.^ntGbattan's command. — Harney's campaign.

Operations of Lieutenant Dunn and Major Dowlino. — Black Kettle's
VISIT to Denver. — Chivington's attack on his village. — Destruction

op Colonel Fetterman's command. — Campaign op General Hancock.

Burning op the Cheyenne village, etc 151-172

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER X. ^,-
Military operations against the Indians in New Mexico and Aeizona in
1862, 1863, 1864, and 1869. — Deliberate attempt to exterminate them. —
Massacre op Apaches in 1871 at Camp Grant, etc 176-193

CHAPTER XI.i/^
A Board of Peace Commissioners created by Congress. — Treaties made
■WITH THE Kiowa, Comanche, Cheyenne, and Arapahoe, Sioux, and other
Indians. — Five hundred thous.vnd dollars appkopuiated to carry
their provisions into eepect. — This duty confided to General Sher-
man. — Transfer of General Serridan to the Department of the Mis-
souri. — He condemns what the Peace Commission had done. — Holds
that the Indians should have been punished. — General Sherman co-
incides IN THIS opinion. ACTION OF THE COMMISSION AT CHICAGO. —

Campaign against "the hostile Indians south op the Arkansas,"
ETC 194^216

CHAPTER XII. ^
General Sheridan's operations. — Movements op General Custer. — His

SURPRISE AND DESTRUCTION OF BlACK KeTTLB's VILLAGE, CALLED BY THE
MILITARY "THE BaTTLE OP THE WaSHITA." — HiS RETURN TO GENERAL

Sheridan's headquarters at Camp Supply. — Incidents and events of

- THE march op the COMMAND.PBOM THENCE, VIA THE BATTLE-GROUND, TO FoRT

Cobb 217-242

CHAPTER XIII. ■^
Correspondence and official reports op Gen. Sheridan and Gen. Hazen,
touching the status of thf. Cheyennes and Arapahoes. — An examina-
tion op the contents op these. — The operations op Gen. Harney and
Gen. Hazen, acting as Indian agents under the supervision op Gen.
Sherman 243-271

CHAPTER XIV. I/"
Military operations in Montana in 1869 and 1870. — The destruction op
the Piegan Indian camp by Col. Baker. — Military correspondence and

REPORTS touching THE CAMPAIGN 272-293

n CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XV. v/
The Sioux war of 1876. — How brocobt about. — Sitting Bull and his pol-

LOWEES TURNED OVER TO THE ABMY FEBRUARY 1, 1876. — SITTING BuLl's

VIEWS. — Seizure of the arms and ponies of the Indians at Red Cloud,
Standing Rook, and Cheyenne river agencies. — Military correspond-
ence AND comments THEREON 294-321

CHAPTER XVI. n/
Operation's against the Northern Cueyennes. — Their surrender. — The

SURRENDER OF CrAZT HoBSE. — The CHIEF IS STABBED AT CaMP RoBINSON. —

Transfer of the Cheyen.ves to the Indian Territory. — Dull Knife's

BAND escapes NORTH. — ItS FATE. — A SAD STORY 322-341

CHAPTER XVII. ^^
The Sioux Commission of 1876. — Correspondence of Generals McKenzie,
Crook, and Sheridan, in relation to the Indians and the operations
OF the Commission.^The removal of the Comanche and Kiowa In-
dians from Fort Sill to the Wichita agency. — Illustrations of the
frankness and candor of high military officers 342-372

CHAPTER XVIII.
The transfer question in the 45th Congress. — A joint select committee
appointed to inquire into the subject. — Its action. — Testimony of

Gen. Sherman and others. — Remarkable te.stimony of Gen. Meigs.

The cost of supporting the army compared with the cost of support-
ing the Indians, etc., etc 373-394

CHAPTER XIX.
The Ute Indians of Colorado. — The treaty op 1868, and the agree-
ment of 1873 WITH THEM. — An EXAMINATION OF THE MANNER IN WHICH
each party has PERFORMED ITS OBLIGATIONS. — ThE ORIGIN OF THE
PRESENT COMPLICATIONS, ETC 395-410

INTRODUCTORY.

In the preparation and publication of this work the author
has been moved by a sincere desire to render service in the
amelioration of the condition of our Indian population, now
numbering about two hundred and seventy-five thousand
souls. The condition of this population, and the relations
existing between the Indians and the white people dwelling
on the border, is not satisfactory. This fact no intelligent man
will deny. There is diversity of opinion as to the causes
which produce the discontent and disorder that prevail, as
well as the wars that result therefrom. These -border wars
began at a very early period, and may be traced through our
whole history, and the record is a sickening detail of outrage,
robbery, and murder. The careful student of history should
have no difficulty in discovering the origin of our Indian
complications, as well as the causes that have stimulated
conflicts between the white and red man, and which have
formed such sad chapters in our annals.

It can not be denied, that from the period when the first
infant settlements were made upon the Atlantic sea-board by
European colonists, until the present time, there have been
constant, persistent, and unceasing eflEbrts on the part of the
white man to drive the Indian from his hunting ground and
his home. "When the encroachments of the former became
unbearable, they were forcibly resisted by the latter. This
was the only mode left to the Indian by which to redress his
wrongs, since he had no standing in the civil tribunals of the

(vii)

Vm INTRODUCTORY.

colonies, and even to this day we have practically denied him
the benefit of our courts. Unless we expect from the savage
more forbearance than from the civilized man under like cir-
cumstances, there should be no surprise that he has resisted
the aggressions made upon him. That he was willing, under
proper treatment, to have lived in amity with the white man,
there is abundant evidence.

In 1607, the first permanent settlement in our country was
commenced at Jamestown, Virginia, by a colony of English-
men. A few years thereafter, in a conversation between
Captain John Smith, one of the original councilmen in the
colony, and Powhatan, the principal chief of the Indians re-
siding in southern Virginia, the latter said:

"I am an old man, and must soon die, and the succession
must descend in order to my brothers, and then to my two
sisters and their daughters. I wish their experience was
equal to mine, and that your love to us might not be less than
ours to you. Why should you take by force from us that lohich
you can obtain by love ? Why should you destroy us, who have
provided you With food ? What can you gain by war ? We
can hide our provisions, and fly into the woods, and then you
must, consequently, almost famish by reason of wronging
your friends. You see us unarmed and willing to supply
your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and hot
with swords and guns, as to invade an enemy. I am not so
simple as not to know that it is better to eat good meat, be
well, and sleep quietly with my women and children, to
laugh and be merr}'- with the English, and, being their friend,
to have copper hatchets and whatever else I want, than to
fly from all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon acorns, roots,
and such trash, and to be so hunted that I can not rest, eat
or sleep, and so, in this miserable maimer, to end my miser-
able life; and. Captain Smith, this might soon be your fate too

INTRODUCTORY. IX

through your rashness and unadvisedness. I therefore exhort you
to peaceable counsels."

It will, in a few years, be three centariea since the chief
Powhatan had the talk with Captain Smith, from which this
extract is taken. If the views expressed by the chief liad
governed the intercourse between the races from that period
until the present time, much of the suffering, torture, and
premature death that accompaoied the colonizing and settle-
ment of our country would have been spared, the civilization
of the Indian assured, and the white and red man have dwelt
together in harmony and peace. It was no fault of the na-
tives that relations of peace and good will were not success-
fully cultivated.

On this occasion, and in behalf of his race, Powhatan
solved the Indian problem; and "William Penn justified this
solution when he assumed direction of affairs in his prov-
ince, and established such relations with the Indians that
peace and friendship prevailed for more than two-thirds of a
century, during which time the Friends held power. In the
second chapter of this work, the conduct of this great and
good man, in his intercourse with, and his opinion of the na-
tive race, will be found, and to the same the reader is re-
spectfully referred.

In view of the pacific disposition of the natives, as attested
by Powhatan, and the fact that the followers of William
Penn lived so many years with the Indians without a single
serious disturbance in his province, coupled with the pledge
in the ordinance of 1787 that " the utmost good faith shall
be observed toward the Indians; their lands and property
shall never be taken from them without their consent ; and
in their property, rights, and liberty they shall never be in-
vaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized'
by Congress," there is in the ever recurring and never ending

X I INTRODUCTORY.

eonflicts between the white man and the Indian, cause for the
deepest humiliation.

From the organization of the government until the year
1871, the extinction of Indian title to lands was acquired by-
treaty, and by the same process the new home set apart from
time to time for the residence of the tribe was assured to it,
with the covenant in the treaty that such new home should
be the permanent home of the tribe forever. Such covenants,
though solemnly entered into by the government, were not
regarded. Whenever the progress of settlement brought the
white man's residence near the Indian's home, another treaty
was demanded. If the tribewas unwilling to surrender this
" permanent home," and no other means were found adequate
to bring the Indians into negotiation, in due time, through
complications of some sort, there was what was termed an
" Indian outbreak," rapidly followed by a conflict, terminat-
ing in another removal.

The effect of these removals, so often repeated, has at all
times worked injury to the Indians, and proved fatal to their
advancement. Under the operation some tribes have yielded
in despair. Others that survived did not recover from or
overcome the fatal results for generations. Communities of
our own race could not undergo like trials without serious
loss in numbers as well as vitality ; and, if repeated, as in the
case of the Indians, who have so often been removed, they
would relapse into a very low grade of civilization. When
the facts are considered, there should be no surprise that our
Indian wards have not advanced more rapidly.

Superadded to the affliction growing out of these frequent
removals, other and numerous ditKculties have been placed in
the path of the Indians. Even the most beneficent measures
of the government looking to his advancement have, in many
cases, been counteracted by the agencies employed to execute

INTRODUCTORY. XI

them; agents have frequently proved faithless, andT soldiers
sent to protect the tribes have not only been cruel and vindic-
tive, but often have introduced demoralization and carried
disease among them. In fact (though it may seem paradoxical);
it is yet true, that the white man's conduct and example, in-
stead of aiding, bas been the chief obstacle in the way of the
civilization of the Indian. Wn**^*-^''^*'''^''^

In 1826, the then secretary of w av said this Indian question^
was a most solemn one, and that it addressed itself " to the
American people, whose answer was full of responsibility. ^.
. . Shall we go on quietly in a course which, judging fpom
the past, threatens their extinction, while their past sufferings and
future -prospects so pathetically appeal to our compassion f "
Twenty years later, the attorney-general of the United States
said " there is nothing in the whole compass of our laws so hard
to bring within any precise definition, or logical or scientific
arrangement, as the relation in which the Indian stands
toward the United' States." And the report of the peace
commission, of tbe date of January 7, 1868, said : " Nobody
pays any attention 'to Indian matters. This is a deplorable
fact. Members of Congress understand the negro question,
and talk learnedly on finance and political economy, but when
the progress of settlement reaches the Indian's home, the only
question considered is ' how best to get his lands.' When
they are obtained, the Indian is lost sight of. "While our
missionary societies and benevolent associations have annually
collected thousands of dollars from the charitable to send to
Asia and Africa, for the purposes of civilization, scarcely a;
dollar is expended or a thought bestowed on the civilization
of the Indians at our very doors."

Is it not time that a change should take place ? Is it not
time that the government and people of the (Jnited States
should resolve that justice and fair dealing shall be substituted

Xll INTRODUCTORY.

for that coldness, sordid selfishness, and cruelty which the na-
tive race has endured in all the years of the past ? The In-
dian is not only entitled to justice at our hands, but we should
extend to the race our earnest sympathy and aid. Our wards
should have our best efforts for the amelioration of their con-
dition. There are among them many men of worth, with
natural gifts equal to those possessed by our own race; and,
with a fair and equal chance in the battle of life, there should
be no doubt as to the willingness of the Indian to accept our
civilization, or of his capability to become a useful member
of society. Let the red man have what he never has had, ap-
propriate protection and support, and fair opportunity. Let
him be emancipated from every evil and adverse influence,
and lifted up and pressed forward in the new life. Let us
deal with -him as we would be dealt by. In short, let us ad-
rait that he is a Man, and treat him as such, not spasmod-
ically, but persistently, constantly, and in every relation of
life.

To begin, let him have a fixed and settled home. This is
imperative. Let him be distressed no more with the fear and
apprehension that this home will be taken from him. Many
of the reservations on which the Indians now reside are
not suitable as to location or the quality of the land embraced
within them. They have been selected in exigencies arising
at the time, and without any regard to their adaptability to
the uses intended. However aflicting it may be, there is an
absolute necessity that some of these reservations be recast.
This is demanded by the true interests of both races. Some
tribes have tracts so barren, that, no matter how desirous
they may be to engage in cultivation, they must be debarred
the privilege ; others are so located as to expose them at all
times to trespass from the whites, and, thus disturbed, they
must fail in their efforts. There are in the Western States

INTRODUCTORY. Xlll

and Territories nearly an hundred different reservations,
in all aggregating about 180,000,000 acres of land. The re-
port of the Indian ofiice, for 1878, estimates that, of this
land, about 18,000,000 of acres are tillable. It is believed this
estimate of tillable land is too large. There is, however, too
much territory'iu a number of the reservations, and it is clear
that there are too many of them. In recasting and reducing
the number, by consolidation or otherwise, the gi'eatest care
should be taken, since the change and re-location of those
whose true interests require it, should be final. In discuss-
ing this phase of the Indian question, in the North American
Meview, in 1873, Francis A. Walker, a former commissioner
of Indian affairs, said :

" It is manifest, therefore, that the next five or ten years
must witness a general recasting of the scheme of Indian
reservations. This is not to be accomplished by confiscating
the Indian title, but by exchange, by concession, by con-
solidation. Let Congress provide the necessary authority,
under proper limitations for the executive departments, and
the adjustment desired can be reached easily and amicably."
Six years have passed since this suggestion was made, but
Congress has taken no step looking to the consummation of
the work. It should be done at once, and with the utmost
care. No tribe should have assigned to it, for a permanent
home, a reservation that does not contain sufficient tillable
land. On this point there should be absolute certainty, and
the title to the tract assigned should be as perfect and good
as that by which the government conveys its quarter sections
to actual settlers. This done, and a great point will be
gained. The mind of the Indian will, for the first time, be
at rest on a question that has disturbed his ancestor as well
as himself. To each head of a family there should, within
the reservation, be assigned a homestead. The number of

XIV INTRODUCTORY.

acres in it should be sufficiently large, but not excessive. He
should be taught that he is the proprietor, with the right to
exercise jurisdiction over his farm, and be secured in the en-
joyment of all he produces upon it. The title to the land
should remain in tlie tribe, since the Indians are generally not
prepared for fee-simple titles. In years to come, these may
be granted.

When the tribe is permanently located on the reservation,
and the integrity of the same is placed beyond question, and
when those disposed to intrude upon the possessions of the red
man understand, that if done, it is at their peril, and that
certain and swift punishment will follow, the work of the
agent may be successfully prosecuted. This should be con-
fided to none but men of the highest character for integrity,
of good executive ability, and industrious habits. Such men
will not have, among their subordinates, any who are un-
worthy. At times, indeed too often, the Indians have suffered
much for want of agents with proper qualifications. While
firm in the discharge of their duties, both the agent and his
employes, when engaged in the instruction and direction of
the Indian in his work and labor, will do well to offer to the
savage the reason why this thing be done and the other omitted.
He is the pupil ; they the instructors. In this most impor-
tant matter a military agent will always fail. His education
training, and discipline are not in the right direction to
qualify him to discharge the duties of an Indian agent.
From the highest to the lowest in rank, it is the duty of the
subordinate to obey orders. The reason why a particular
command is given is not explained. To the soldier this is
not necessary or proper ; but the instruction of the savao-e is
quite a different thing, and the Indian agent who, on all
proper occasions, devotes a few minutes in unfolding to the
mind of the Indian why he should do as instructed, will find

INTRODUCTOEY. XV

it time well spent. Firmness and kindness should go hand-
in hand. This will not interfere with reformatory discipline.
In all cases where Indians can be utilized about the labor of
the agency it should be done, and no white employes, except
such as can not be dispensed with, should be in the service.
The young men of the tribe will gladly take hold of and dis-
charge the duties assigned them, and they will be trust-
worthy and faithful. Competent men, to act as Indian
agents, are to be found in many tribes, and it would be well
to give some of these positions as such.

The Indian women must cease to do the outdoor work, and
confine themselves to domestic duties and the cares of the
house and the family. The labor in the garden and the field
must be done by the men and boys. To the nomad, this;
change will be a great innovation ; but the step being taken
by one, others will follow, and, with proper prompting and.
encouragement, accessions will continually be made to the
ranks of labor. The methods that succeed in one case may,
for the time, seem to fail in another. The reason will be-
found in the surrounding circumstances. Every phase of the
problem must be studied by the agent in charge, and, if faith-
ful, diligent, and patient, he will soon surmount all difficul-
ties. That the Indians who are well advanced in years will
desire to adhere to their savage customs may be expected.
Manv of these will yield, and, when the change comes, suph
■will embrace the pursuits of civilized life with earnestness,.
and succeed admirably. As the habit of roaming must cease,.
and all Indians have their fixed homes, the young of both
sexes will always be within reach, and then an inviting and
interesting field will be open, not only for the work of the
agent, but for the Christian missionary. "With reference to
missionary work among the Indians, it may be stated that
the various religious denominations in the United States, dur-

% XVI INTEODUCTOKY.

ing the year 1877, contributed for educational and other pur-
poses, among all the tribes except the Cherokee, Choctaw,
Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole Indians, the sum of |70,114,
as follows: For education, $33,950; for all other purposes,
$36,164. The statistics in the annual report of the Indian
office, for the year 1877, are authority for this statement.

Prom the same report, it is shown that many tribes have
not a single missionary among them. Those thus situate num-
ber, in the aggregate, from 60,000 to 70,000 souls ! This is
a sad story. The annual contributions made for missionary
purposes, by the membership of the various religious denomi-
nations in the United States, amount to millions of dollars.
'The mere statement of this fact, in connection with the other
fact — that, of the vast sum contributed, the mission boards of
the various denominations set oflF barely $70,000 per year for
school and mission work among our native heathen — is well
■calculated to produce profound surprise. That such cold in-
■difference should exist in the Christian world toward these
hapless people, is a source of deep regret.

With reference to the protection of the person and prop-
erty of each Indian, and to provide for the punishment of
such members of the tribe as trespass upon his farm, as well
as for the punishment of minor oflenses committed by one
Indian against another, within the reservation, a brief and
simple code of regulations, with proper penalties, prepared
by the department, and adopted by the Indians in council,
will be all sufficient ; and an Indian police, limited in number
will suffice to give efficiency and force to them; and thus
order will be preserved. Then, Congress should, in good
laith, by appropriate legislation, fulfill the pledge made in the
ordinance of 1787, and pass such laws, "founded in justice
and humanity," as may be necessary to protect the Indian
race "in their property, rights, and liberty." Every senti-

INTKODUCTOEY. xvii

ment of justice demands that this be done at once. The fact
that nearly a century has passed since this ordinance was
adopted, and that no adequate legislation has been provided,,
in pursuance of it, to guarantee to the Indian his rights, is a,
burning shame. Let there be no further delay. The present
laws for the protection of the Indians from intrusion, trespass,
and personal injury by lawless whites, are wholly inadequate.
The attention of Congress has repeatedly been called to this
fact. It is true that it is made the duty of the military arm,
in certain cases, to remove intruders from the Indian lands,
but this duty is seldom discharged. On the contrary, the
troops have been frequently used to punish the Indians, be-
cause they did not quietly submit to wrong and oppression,
and the invasion of their rights and territory. Unlawful ex-
peditions into the Indian reservations have been made, under
the protection and escort of our troops — such, for instance, as
the invasion of the Black Hills, inl 874, guarded by troops,
with Gattling guns, under command of Gen. Custer. He
acted under the authority of his superiors, and with the
knowledge of the interior department. This expedition was
not to put down any insubordination among the Sioux, nor
was it authorized by Congress. It was simply a gold-hunting
invasion, and invited miners into the Hills. The next year,
owing to the dissatisfaction of. the Sioux, Gen. Crook was
sent there to drive out the intruders, who, by the bad exam-
ple set them in 1874, had rushted in • but his "sympathies were
with the invaders, and liis troops were finally turned upon
the Indians ; and thus began the Sioux war of 1'876.

To obtain from Congress appropriate legislation, and the
passage of such laws as will effectually protect our Indian
wards in all their personal and property rights, will be a diffi-
cult matter. If the people, however, who are the source of
power, take hold of the subject with that earnestness which

XVlll ITSTTKODUCTOEY.

I

its importance demands, and make known to their servants
what their wishes are, the result will be accomplished. To
^ve force and vigor to the administration of Indian affairs,
the bureau should be emancipated from the interior as well
as the war department. The secretary of the interior is now
burdened with the vast business and duties of five distinct
bureaus, viz., pension, land, patent, education, and Indian.
He can not give to the latter that patient attention, and be-
stow upon it the labor, its importance demands, and which is
absolutely necessary. Of themselves, the business and duties
of the Indian bureau are sufficient to engross the entire time,
attention, and labor of one possessed of the highest grade of
executive ability. No other work should disturb his mind,
or occupy his time. On this subject, the peace commission
of 1867-8 said :

" We believe the Indian question to be one of such mo-
mentous importance, as respects both the honor and the in-
terests of the nation, as to require for its solution an undi-
vided responsibility. The vast and complicated duties now
devolved upon the secretary of the interior, leave him too
little time to examine and determine the multiplicity of ques-
tions necessarily connected with the government of a race.
The same may be said of the secretary of war. As thino-s
now are, it is difficult to fix responsibility. When errors are
committed, the civil department blames the military; the
military ra*ort by the charge of inefficiency and corruption
against the officers of the bureau. The commissioner of In-
dian affiiirs escapes responsibility by pointing to the secretary
of the interior, while ,the secretary may well respond that
though in theory he may be responsible, practically he is gov-
erned by the head of the bureau. We, therefore, recommend
that Indian affairs be committed to an independent depart-

ment."

INTRODTTCTORT. xix

The Sioux commission of 1876, in referring to the evils ex-
isting in the management of Indian affairs, said :

" We submit that the remedy for these evils is not to be
found by again placing the care of the Indians in the war
department. It had this duty for near three-quarters of a
century, and during the whole period there is no page in the
bistory of our Indian management upon which our recollec-
tion can linger with emotions of pleasure. . . . Our In-
dian affairs should be managed by an independent depart-
ment. It ought to have at its head one of the first men of
the nation, whose recommendations would be heeded, and
who, as a member of the cabinet, could confer with the head&
of the war and interior departments, and devise such wise
and just plans as would equally protect the rights of the In-
dians and our own citizens. . . . The head of the inte-
rior department is now burdened with five distinct bureaus.
He can not give to Indian affairs that patient attention which
is necessary to success. The war departmient, as its name in-
dicates, is unsuited for the work of civilization. Oflicers of
the army are not fitted, by inclination or training, to teach
Indian children to read and write, or Indian men to sow and
reap."

In the tables of statistics, accompanying the report of the
commissioner of Indian affairs, for 1878, it is stated that the-
number of Indians who wear citizen's dress is 127,450. Of
these 61,467 are males, and 65,983 are females. The number
of houses occupied by Indians is 23,060. Of schools, there
are among the Indians 60 boarding and 306 day schools. The
number of scholars attending these schools is 12,222. Of
these, 6,631 are males and 5,591 are females. The number of
children of school age is estimated at 49,200. In this esti-
mate some tribes are not reported. The actual number of
school age in all the tribes is probably 55,000. The number

XX INTRODUCTORY.

of Indians who can read is stated at 41,300. There was ex-
pended for education during the year $353,125. Of this sum,
the five civilized tribes appropriated $137,775. The number
of church buildings, including those among the five civilized
tribes, in the " Indian Territory," is 219 ; and the number of
missionaries, including such as are among the five tribes
referred to, is 226.

The five civilized tribes cultivated during the year 245,000
acres of land ; the product from which was 494,400 bushels
of wheat, 2,642,000 bushels of corn, 201,000 bushels of oats
and barley, 320,000 bushels of vegetables, and 116,500 tons of
hay. They own 40,000 horses, 4,750 mules, 236,000 cattle,
173,000 hogs, and 25,500 sheep.

Other Indian tribes than the five referred to cultivated
during the year 128,018 acres of land ; the product from
which was 266,100 bushels of wheat, 971,303 bushels of corn,
172,697 bushels of oats and barley, 315,585 bushels of vegeta-
bles, 36,943 tons of hay, 193 tons of melons, and 697 tons of
pumpkins. There were 22,319 acres of new land broken
during the year, and 128,056 rods of fencing made. There
were during the year 2,351 allotments of land made to full-
blooded Indians. The Indians other than the five tribes
owned 176,766 horses, 4,479 mules, 52,867 cattle, 27,671 hogs,
and 510,674 sheep.

Other results from Indian labor were 8,100,630 feet of lum-
ber sawed, 132,888 cords of wood cut, 200,600 shingles made
387,000 pounds of maple sugar made, 146,000 pounds of wild
rice gathered, 17,000 woolen blankets and shawls made, 2 530
willow baskets made, 3,800 cords of hemlock bark peeled for
sale, 211,000 pounds of wool sold, and 3,600 barrels of fish
-sold.

"When we call to mind the fact that by the treaties of
1867-8 with the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapahoe, the Comanche

INTRODUCTORY. XXI

Kiowa, and other wild tribes, who had always lived by the
chase, it was left with such of them as chose to do so to lead
the life of nomads, and that this wild life was sanctioned by
Congress, and specific appropriations made for the benefit of
such as roamed and hunted, and the further fact that the
lands in the reservations of a number of tribes are not sus-
-ceptible of cultivation, the statistics given, with the product
.of the labor of those engaged in agricultural and pastoral
life, should be sufficient to satisfy the most skeptical that our
Indian wards can be made self-supporting, and that with
proper care and attention this result may be reached in a very
few years.

The opinion that the Indian population is destined in a
Tsrief period to disappear prevails to a very great extent
among the masses of our people. This is regarded as the un-
.avoidable result of contact with civilization. A carefal study
-of the census of this population through a series of years,
with an examination of vital statistics for the past four years,
will satisfy the reader that this opinion must be modified, and
the conclusion will be reached that the Indians, instead of
vanishing, are destined to be and remain with us for ages to
•come. It is undoubtedly true that from a multiplicity of
causes many of the weaker tribes have ceased to exist as
.fluch, while the more favored, as well as the more robust ones,
have passed through the fearful ordeal, and are slowly in-
creasing in numbers. In 1825 the population of the Chero-
kee nation, including the half-breeds among them, was
15,000. Between that period and the time of their removal
to their present reservation they suffered loss from wars and
other causes. In the process of removal they lost nearly one-
fourth of their number, and during our late civil war Chero-
kee troops were engaged in the conflict, and hence suffered
loss ; and yet by the census of 1878 it is seen that the Chero-

XXll INTRODUCTORY.

kees have a population of 21,072. The Chickasaws nura-
bered 2,000 more in 1878 than in 1825. The Delawares now
in the Indian Territory show a slight increase over their
number in 1854. The population of the Iroquois in New
York and Canada in 1877 was 13,668, which considerably ex-
ceeds any previous trustworthy estimate of their number for
more than a century. Other tribes show a like result. On
the other hand, some tribes show a decline in their numbers,
the causes for which the careful student of the Indian problem
will have no difficulty in reaching. It is a fact that all wild
Indians, for a period after the process of civilization begins,,
diminish in numbers. The use of the white man's food, the-
restraint from roaming, and the ill-ventilated huts in which
they dwell, increases disease, and checks for the time being
procreation. In the present state of transition, it is said some
Dakota families bear no children. There is one source of
diminution by which the census of Indian tribes is reduced
which is not real. It is not uncommon at this day for Indian
families, who have advanced in civilization more rapidly tharv
their fellows, to sever the tribal relation and become merged
with the population in the white settlements. Among the-
Minnesota Sioux this process is going on with some force.

Within a few years the matter of vital statistics has had con-
siderable attention from the Indian office, and the results are
encouraging. Prom these Mr. S. N. Clark, of the bureau of
education, has compiled a table of births and deaths in those
tribes whose reports contain infomiation on the subject for
the years 1874, 1875, and 1876. The result is as follows :
1874, births, 2,152; deaths, 1,490; 1875, births, 1,985 ; deaths^
1,601 ; 1876, births, 2,401 ; deaths, 2,215. According to the
same reports, the number of Indians that received medical
treatment, in 1874, was 27,553; in 1875, 46,594 ; in 1876 37 -
232. To attempt to deduce a ratio from these figures would

INTEODUCTOEY. XXIU

^aid Mr. Clark, yield false results, since the tribes that re-
ported births and deaths from year to year varied. With this
-explanation, Mr. Clark gives the following figures : In 1874,
the births in tribes numbering 48,000 were 1,495 ; the deaths
in tribes numbering 63,772 were 1,047 ; in 1875, the births in
tribes numbering 74,417 were 1,905 ; and the deaths in tribes
numbering 99,309 were 1,566; in 1876, the births in tribes
numbering 81,734 were 2,386 ; and the deaths- in tribes num-
bering 90,590 were 2,195. "While this data may not warrant
-any definite conclusions as to the tendency and ratio of in-
crease, there is sufficient in the figures to dispel the theory,
■which is so commonly held, that the Indian race is vanish-
ing, and, from natural causes, will soon disappear.

To such of our fellow- citizens as do not feel impelled by
the promptings of their better natures and the feelings of hu-
manity to take an interest in the proper solution of the In-
dian question, the fact that these wards of ours, and their de-
scendants, are destined to be and remain upon the soil for
generations, should, from a selfish standpoint, attract their
most serious attention. The amount of money disbursed in
the payment of annuities and for rations, clothing, and all
'else connected with the legitimate expenditures of the In-
-dian department, is much less than the amount drawn from
the treasury to carry on unjust and cruel wars against the
Indians. These wars are exceedingly expensive. As an in-
stance : in 1835, a war was begun with the Seminole Indians,
in Elorida. A few years preceding. Gen. Porter, then secre-
tary of war, estimated the population of these Indians at
4,000. In 1835, Gen. Jackson, then president, was of the
opinion that their military strength was about 500 warriors,
while Gen. Cass, his secretary of war, estimated the warriors
at 750. Lieut. C. A. Harris, then on duty in the Indian ser-
vice, reported to the war department that the entire Seminole

XXIV INTROBUCTOKY.

nation, their negroes included, did not exceed 3,000, and coulfi
not bring into the field more than 500 efficient warriors.
Gen. Scott, then commanding the troops operating against
the Seminoles, in a report, made on the 30th of April, 1836,
said : " I am more than ever persuaded that the whole force
of the enemy, including negroes, does not exceed 1,200 fight-
ing men. It is probably something less." In 1837, the In-
dian office gave the number of " Florida Indians," east of the
Mississippi, and " under treaty stipulations to remove," at
5,000. During the war the Seminoles had some accessions-
from the Creeks and from fugitive slaves who had joined
them, but the number of both was not large. The war lasted
seven years. The whole available force of the regular army
was engaged in the combat, and Generals Scott, Clinch, Gaines,
Eustis, Jessup, and Worth, with many other experienced and
distinguished officers, were on duty. It was in this war that
Col. Zachary Taylor, who, in 1848, was elected President of
the United States, suggested the use of blood-hounds to ac-
company the troops operating against the Seminoles. The
suggestion was approved, and the animals were brought into
use to hunt down the Indians ! In addition to the whole
force of the regular army, a portion of the navy, and in the
aggregate, during the war, more than 20,000 volunteers, were
brought into service. In the second year of the war (1836),
Gen. Jessup entered the field at the head of one column of 8,000
troops, well provided with all the materials and equipments of
war. He had as allies several battalions of Creek Indian war-
riors. Choctaws and Delawares also joined his standard. This
one single Indian war cost upwards of forty millions of dollars !
In this war the losses among the troops in the regular army
and in the navy were 1,555, and among the volunteers the
losses were equal, if they did not exceed that number ; mak-
ing the aggregate of our losses more than three thousand men.

INTRODUCTORY, XXV

The losses of the Seminoles were not known. Indians al-
ways strive to carry off their dead from the battle-field, and
conceal the number. Some years after the close of this war,
the Seminole Indians were removed to the Indian Territory,
in which, on a portion of the Creek reservation, they now
^ dwell. A remnant remained in Florida, and still dwells there,
and number about 500, and those in the Indian Territory
now number 2,500. This Seminole war was inaugurated to
•drive the Indians out of Florida, when, by an expenditure of
a quarter of a million of money, a peaceable removal, with-
out the intervention of the military arm, could, without any
doubt, have been effected.

In the preparation of this work there has been no attempt
"to present a continuous history of the Indian race,, or the
■conflicts with it from the time of the discovery of America.
In the most condensed form, such a narrative would fill vol-
umes, and would, in some sense, be a mere repetition, since the
:8tory of one Indian war is the story of all. In what is
narrated in the several chapters, it has been the object of
the author to adhere to facts, and to give a faithful rela-
tion of the various forms in which complications with the
Indians arise, and the manner in which the civil as well as the
military authorities deal with the wards of the government-
In what is stated in relation to the assumptions and conduct
•of the military arm toward the Indian tribes, there is nothing
extenuate nor aught set down in malice. It is submitted
that the facts given ought to silence, now and hereafter, the
•clamor in which military officers have indulged against the
•civil administration of Indijin affairs, and forever dispose of
the question of the restoration of the Indian bureau to the
Tvar department — a theme on which these officers (with but
few exceptions) have indulged, with an assurance amounting
^o audacity.

XXVI INTRODUCTORY.

Should the work have any agency in arousing the public-
mind, and quickening the conscience of the people, to the end
' that our Indian wards may, in some degree, have that atten-
tion which is demanded by every sentiment of justice and
every impulse of humanity, so that oppression and cruelty
shall give place to just and fair treatment, and thus their
path of life be made not only bearable, but strewn with such,
aid, instruction, and sympathy as will win them from their
wild life, and induce them to accept the comforts of civiliza-
tion and a settled home, the writer will be abundantly repaid
for his labor. That a better and brighter day may speed-
ily come to the despised Indian, should be the aspiration and
prayer of every man and woman in our broad land, and aU
should earnestly and faithfully labor for such reforms as will-
secure exact justice in our dealings with, and thus assure the.;
civilization of, our Indian "Wards.

GEO. W. MAinrPENFY.

January 20, 1880.

OUR INDIAN WARDS.

CHAPTER I,

The eeoeption op the early exploeees by the Noeth American Indians.
— The conduct of the foemer toward the latter. — Grants by Eit-

EOPEAN POWEES TO THEIR SUBJECTS. — ThE LANDING OF THE PiLGEIMS. —
The DESTRUCTION OP THE PeQUODS, ETC.

The early explorers that visited the "^New "World" were
met by the native inhabitants in the most friendly manner.
The utmost confidence was reposed in the strangers, and such
rude hospitalities as the natives possessed were freely extended
to them. All early annals are agreed on this fact. The kind-
ness and confidence of the natives was not reciprocated. The
adventurers, whether Spanish, French, Dutch, or English, did
not, in their intercourse with the Indians, so conduct them-
selves as to confirm the good will bestowed upon them. They
were from the very beginning distrustful, exacting, and over-
bearing, and there was scarcely a vessel that left on its return
trip that did not carry off some of the natives, who were fre-
quently forcibly seized for that purpose.

The voyagers, whether among the natives on our shores, or
on their vessels homeward bound, frequently acted like demi-
, savages toward such Indians as were in their power, and very
early the practice of kidnaping them to sell them into slavery
was commenced. Some pretended that they only seized and
carried off the natives as trophies of the voyage, or to serve as
guides for future expeditions, and while this may be true in
exceptional cases, the chief purpose was to tralSfic in them as
chattels. Others were ready on the slightest provocation, or
event without provocation, to take the lives of the Indians
whenever opportunity offered.

Such conduct was well calculated to and did destroy the •
confidence of the Indians, and distrust, and finally hatred, took
its place, and they were ready to avenge the wrongs suffened

OUR INDIAJ^ "WARDS.

by their kindred whenever opportunity offered, and upon such
of the white race as fell in their way. Thoir mode of retalia-
tion was of course barbarous, such as all savage people prac-
tice. It must not, however, be forgotten that they were not
the aggressors, and that their provocation was great.

The native population was sparse, and the country, vast in
extent, was in a state of nature, if we except the very slight
modification made by the rude dwellings in the Indian vil-
lages and the fields and gardens adjacent. These villages
were generally surrounded by palisades of logs and brush-
wood. In addition to the product of the chase, the food of
the Indian was fish, maize, pumpkins, beans, wild rice, and
roots. Their arms were the bow and arrow, the war club and
si)ear. Their implements of husbandry were of the rudest
kind. Each village had its chiefs, and frequently a number
of villages in the same locality formed a sort of confederacy,
with superior chiefs exercising authority over the whole.
The inhabitants of the villages were, in their intercourse,
sociable and friendly. Disputes were rare. Their chief sub-
jects of conversation were tribal affairs, and hunting and
fishing. No one thought of interrupting his neighbor when
speaking. All were glad to receive visitors. No profane
language was used. Indeed, the Indians had no words ap-
plicable to profanity. When a stranger took refuge among
them, it was regarded a sacred duty to extend hospitality to
such an one, and to refuse succor or relief was a grave offense.
In war, their conduct toward their enemies was barbarous.
Their wardrobe was scanty, and made of the skins of animals.

Such, in brief, was the condition of the Indian population
near the Atlantic coast at the time of the discovery of North
America. As from time to time the Indians became accus-
tomed to the ways and manners of the Europeans, they ad-
mitted the superiority of the latter in the arts, but expressed
contempt for them because they submitted to laborious em-
ployments. They thought their advantages in hunting and
fishing gave them precedence over the Europeans, and that in
their moral conduct they were superior to the refinements
which the latter brought with them. They were quite loathe
to exchange their modes of living for such as were introduced

OUR INDIAN WARDS.

by the new comers, and maintained that it was not in accord-
ance with the design of the Great Spirit that they should
do so.

The reports which the explorers carried home in relation to
the value of the newly discovered lands, in time had its effect
upon the different European powers, and they set about to
possess them. Each endeavored to excel in founding colo-
nies in the "New World." It was at that time held by the
Christian states of Europe that newly discovered countries
belonged to the discoverer, and that while exceptions might
be made in favor of the native inhabitants who were Chris-
tians, such natives as were not Christians were regarded as
proper subjects, not only for conquest, but for plunder. The
commission granted by the English king to Cabot, was some-
what similar to that previously granted to Columbus by Fer-
dinand and Isabella, except that in the latter case Spain bore
the expense of the outfit and voyage, while England left
Cabot to provide the means himself. Cabot's commission
authorized him, or either of his sons, their heirs or deputies, to
sail with a fleet in searcji of islands, or regions inhabited by
infidels, and hitherto unknown to Christendom, to take pos-
session of the same in the name of the king of England,
" and as his vassals to conquer, possess, and occupy the same,
enjoying for themselves, their heirs and assigns forever, the
sole right of trading thither, paying to the king in lieu of cus-
toms and impos ts a fifth of all net profits." It would be in-
teresting to incorporate the various patents granted by Euro-
pean monarchs to the differents explorers who came out to
possess the " New World," as well as the proceedings which
took place at the ostentatious dedication of each particular
tract of country, together with the conduct of the colonists
toward the natives who happened to reside in regions where
the first settlements were made. A single example in each
case will have to suffice. Sparks has given from the " Proces-
Verbal" in the French archives, the procedure of La Salle on
the banks of the Mississippi, near its mouth, in appropriating
a vast country and vesting the title in the same to France.
After preparing a column and affixing to the same a cross and
the arms of France, with an appropriate inscription, the

OUK INDIAN WAKDS.

whole party under arms chanted the Te Deum, the Exaudiat,
the Domine Salvum fac Eegum, and then, after a salute of
fire-arms and cries of Vive le lioi, the column was erected by
M. de La Salle, who, standing near it, said :

" lu the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and vic-
torious Prince, Louis the Great, by the grace of God, King of
France and of l^Tavarre, fonrteenth of that name, I, in virtue
of the commission of his majesty, which I hold- in my hand,
and which may be seen by all whom it may concern, have
taken, and do now take, in the name of his majesty, and of
his successors to the crown, possession of this country of
Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays, adjacent straits, and
all the nations, peoples, provinces, cities, towns, villages,
mines, minerals, fisheries, streams, and rivers comprised in
the extent of said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great
river St. Lojiis, on the eastern side, otherwise called Ohio,
AUighan, Scipo, or Chickagua, and this with the consent of
the Chavarons, Chickasaws, and other people dwelling therein,
with whom we have made alliance; also along the river
Colbert, or Mississippi, and rivers which discharge themselves
therein, from its source beyond the country of the Kiows, or
Nadouessious, and this with the consent of the Montantees,
Illinois, Mesigameas, Katchez, Koroas, which are the most
considerable nations dwelling therein, with whom, also, we
have made alliance, either by ourselves or others in our behalf,
as far as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of Mexico, about the
twenty-seventh degree of the elevation of the north pole, and
also to the mouth of the river Palms ; upon the assurance
which we have received from all these nations, that we are
the first Europeans that have descended or ascended the said
river Colbert, hereby protesting against all those who may in
future undertake to invade any or all of these countries, peo-
ples, or lands above described, to the prejudice of the right of
his majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations herein
named. Of which, and all that can be needed, I hereby take
to witness those who hear me, and demand an act of the
notary, as required by law."

To which the whole assembly responded with shouts of Vioe
le Roi and with salutes of fire-arms. Moreover the said Sieur

OUR INDIAN WARDS.

de La Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the tree, to
which the cross was attached, a leaden plate, on one side of
which was engraved the arms of France, with a Latin in-
scription. La Salle then remarked that his majesty, as the
eldest son of the church, would not annex any country to his
crown without making it his chief care to establish the Chris-
tian religion therein, and its symbol must now be planted,
which was accordingly done at once by erecting a cross, before
which the Vesilla and Domine Salouni fac Regum were sung,
to all which his associates, thirteen in number, attached the
certificate " required by law," one of them acting as notary.
And thus the foundation of the claim of France to the Mis-
sissippi valley was laid " fairly," according to the usages of
European powers. Sparks observes that " there is an obscur-
ity in this enunciation of places and Indian nations, which
may be ascribed to an ignorance of the geography of the coun-
try, but it seems to be the design of Sieur de La Salle to take
possession of the whole country watered by the Mississippi,
from its mouth to its source, and by the streams flowing intoi
it on both sides." As a matter of course, conflicts grew out
of these appropriations of the territory of the " Ifew \^orld,"
some of which were only settled by the force of arms, and ail
of which resulted disastrously to the Indians.

Anterior to the grant by France to La Salle, James I. of
England granted a charter by which the American coast be-
tween the thirty -fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude
was set apart to be colonized by two rival companies — one com-
posed chiefly of adventurers from London ; the other from those
residing in the west of England, known as the Plymouth and
Bristol company. James' .motive, as alleged in the charter,
was the advancement of the divine glory, " by bringing the
Indians and savage residents of those parts to human civility
and a settled and quiet government." These companies were
known as the Loudon and Plymouth companies. The first
was designated as the first Virginia colony, and permitted to
occupy and plant anywhere between the thirty-fourth and
forty-second degrees of north latitude. The Plymouth was
designated as the second Virginia colony, and might occupy
and plant anywhere between the thirty-eighth and fbrty-fifth

6 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

degrees of north latitude, but neither was to occupy any
country within a hundred miles of the first settlement pre-
viously made by the other. Each colony was to extend along
the coast fifty miles either way from the point first occupied,
and from the same point inward or seaward one hundred
miles. Each company was authorized to search for mines,
paying the king for the yield thereof, one-fifth of all gold and
silver, and one-fifteenth of all copper. It was"* mnde the
especial duty of the councils governing these colonies to pro-
vide that " the true word and service of God, according to the
ritQS and service of the Church of England, be preached,
planted, and used in the colonies, and among the neighbor-
ing savages." In process of time, and after many complica-
tions, the London, or first Virginia company, obtained a new
charter, and was created a corporation, under the title of
"The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters
of the City of London, for the first colony of Virginia." In
the new charter a distinct and separate grant of territory was
provided for. Subsequently the Plymouth company applied
for a similar grant, but this was opposed by the London com-
pany. After years of solicitation the Plymouth company
succeeded in obtaining a new charter, known as the " Great
Patent." By this charter all ISTorth America, from the for-
tieth to the forty-eighth degree of north latitude, excepting
only such places as were then actually possessed by any other
Christian prince or people was granted, with exclusive right
of jurisdiction, settlement, and traffic, and incorporated as
"The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of
Devon, for the Planting, Ruling, Ordering, and Governiiifr of
New England in America." In the interval between "the
granting of the first and second patents to the London and
Plymouth companies, disorder was prevalent among the colo-
nists, the Indians suftered sadly, and as opportunity offered
they retaliated.

In the progress of time and growing out of relio-ious dis-
sensions in England, a body of men known as the Pilgrims
determined to remove, and had actually escaped to Holland
where they resided for some years. They did not, however,'
like the manners and customs of the Dutch, and determiued

OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

to emigrate to Virginia, provided they were allowed a settle-
ment to themselves, where they could arrange religious matters
to suit their own views and ideas. Two of their principal
men went to England as agents, and through their efforts the
company agreed to give the Pilgrims a grant of land, but
•other guarantees were not obtained. After further negotia-
tion they decided to emigrate, leaving John Robinson, one
of their preachers, at Leyden, with such of his congregation
as were not ready to embark, or not thought fit for pioneers.
After a fast and religious service, under Brewster, one of the
ruling elders, the adventurers took passage on the Speedwell,
to Southampton. Here they were joined by Cushmau, in the
Mayflower, which was hired for the voyage, to convey
the outfit and provisions. They immediately embarked, dis-
tributing the passengers between the vessels, but the Speed-
well proved unseaworthy and was discharged. Some of her
passengers went on board the Mayfiower. About twenty, in-
cluding Cushman, unwillingly remained behind. They had a
tedious voyage of more than two months, when the ship en-
tered Cape Cod harbor. The colonists, finding they were not
in the limits of the Virginia company, whose grant they had
obtained, thought it fit before lauding, in view of the fact that
there were some indications of insubordination, to draw up an
agreement for their social government. Before it was exe-
cuted they offered up thanksgiving for their preservation on
the voyage, and prayers for future guidance. By the agree-
ment which they signed, they mutually promised to obey such
"just and equal laws and ordinances " as from time to time
should be thought necessary and for the common good. The
colony consisted of one hundred and one persons. John
Carver was chosen to act as governor for one year. It was .
the 10th of November, 1620, when the Mayflower entered.
Cape Cod harbor. A month intervened before the colonists,
disembarked. The interval was occupied in coasting alung
the shore. Exploring parties occasionally landed and were
sent inland to make explorations. Frequently these parties
found deserted Indian wigwams, and at one point a quantity
of corn, in baskets, buried in the sand. This was taken pos-
session of and served for seed the next spring. Occasionally,

8 OUR I>rDIAN WARBS,

Indians were seen, and at one time, probably incensed at the
loss of the corn, some of them showed signs of hostilitj', but
disappeared without molesting the Pilgrims. The natives in
the region of Cape Cod were not without previous experience
with the whites. Both French and English adventurers had
been there, and their intercourse with the natives was not
such as to impress these simple people favorably. A single
instance of perfidy, out of many committed by the whites,
will satisfy the reader that the Indians had cause to look
upon the Europeans with suspicion. It occurred in 1614,
and is narrated by Captain John Smith, who, after stating
that they spent a long time in trying to catch whales, without
success,' and as for finding gold, "it was rather the master's
device to get a voyage that projected it." He says that for
trifles they got " near 1,100 beaver skins, 100 mai'tin, and
many otters, the most of them within the distance of twenty
leagues." On his departure for Europe, the captain remarks
thus: "The other ship stayed to fit herself for Spain with
dried fish, which was sold at Malaga for four rials the quin-
tal, each hundred weight two quintals and a half. But one
Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship (when I was gone),
thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plan-
tation, thereby to keep this abounding country still in ob-
scurity, that only he and some few merchants more might
enjoy wholly the benefit of trade and profit of this country,
betrayed four and twenty of these poor salvages aboard hia
ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind
usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to
Malaga, and there for a little private gain, sold these silly
salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him ever
after from any more employment to those parts."

The great event in the history of New England, the landing
of the Pilgrims, took place on the 11th December, 1620. On
the 7th of December the boat's crew of explorers, who had
" gone ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low,"
hastened out of the woods and returned to their shallop.
About midnight some Indians appeared, and the event is thus
described in their journal: "About midnight we heard a
great and hideous cry, and our sentinel called arm ! arm ! so

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 9

we bestirred ourselves and shot off a couple of muskets, and
the noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of
wolves and foxes, for one of our company told us that he had
heard such a noise in Newfoundland. At five o'clock in the
morning (December 8) we began to be stirring. Upon a sud-
den we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be
tlie same voices, though they varied their notes. One of our
company being ashore came running and cried, ' They are men !
Indians ! Indians ! ' and withal their arrows came flying among
us. Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms.
The cry of our enemies was dreadful, especially when our
men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was after this
manner, ' Woach, woach, ha ha, hach, woach.' Our men were
no sooner come to their arms but the enemy was ready to
assault them. There was a- lusty man, and no whit less val-
liant, who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a
tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his ari-ows
fly at us. He stood three shots of a musket. At length
one of us, as he said, taking full aim at him, he gave an ex-
traordinary cry and away they all went." It was not known
that any blood was shed in this first "battle," but presumed
that the lusty man was wounded. The " conquerors " gathered
up the trophies of their " victory," in all sixteen arrows, some
of which were " headed with bi'ass, some with hart's horn,
and others with eagle's claws." These were all sent by the
Pilgrims to their friends in England.

In speaking of an event that occurred previous to this at-
tack, Morton says : " The Indians got all the powaws in the
country, who for three days together, in a horrid and devilish
manner, did curse and execrate them with their conjurations^
which assembly and service they held in a dark and dismal
swamp;" and adds, "Behold how Satan labored to hinder the
Gospel from coming into New England."

Some time after the landing of the Pilgrims, a Wampanoag
Indian, named Samosct, came to Plymouth. He could speak
some broken English, having been much among the whites
who came to fish at Monhiggon. His first salutation was:
"Welcome, Englishmen! Welcome, Englishmen!" He gave
the colonists much information. His residence was not

10 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

in that region, but some five days' journey therefrom. " He
told us (they say) the place where we now live is called Pau-
tuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabitants died
of some extraordinary plague, and there is neither man,
woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none;
so there is none to hinder our possession or lay claim to it."

After this singular people had sailed for America, James,
their oppressor, had caused a charter to issue to them. Be-
fore they left home they had permission from this monarch to
go out and settle in the wilderness, and they did not appear
to have any scrapie about taking possession of the country
where they landed, although it was not within the limits of
the Virginia colony. In the charter of James J. to the Pil-
grims, which has become known as " The Grand PUmouth
Charter," he said, " that he had been given certainly to knowe,
that within these late years there hath, by God's visitation,
reigned a wonderful! plague, together with many horrible
slaughters and murthers, committed amongst the sauages and
brutish people there heretofore inhabiting, in a manner to the
utter destruction, deuastacion, and depopulacion of that whole
territorye, so that there is not left, for many leagues together
in a manner, any that do claime or challenge any kind of in-
terest therein."

Thus assured by the charter of King James, and informed
by Samoset that all the inhabitants of the region for " many
leagues " had died of a great plague, and that neither man,
woman, nor child remained, the good Pilgrims felt that they
were providentially seized and possessed of a country wherein
they could establish a system of religious worship such as they
could not enjoy in their own native land. As the years passed
and accessions were made to the English settlements, diffi-
culties between the colonists and the natives frequently oc-
curred, often resulting in the loss of life on both sides. In
commenting upon these Drake says: "These affairs call for
no commentary; that must accompany every mind through
every step of the relation. It would be a weakness, as ap-
pears to us, to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of
the English." When Robinson, one of the fathers of the
Plymouth Church, heard how his people (the Pilgrims)

OtJR INDIAN "WARDS. 11

had conducted these affairs with the Indiana, he wrote
them to consider of the disposition of one of tlieir number
(Captain Standish), "who was of a warm temper," but he
hoped that the Lord had sent him among them for a good
end, if they used him as they should. " He doubted," he
said, " whether there was not wanting that tenderness of the
life of man, made after God's image," which was so necessary,
and above all, that "it would have been happy if they had
converted some before they had killed any."

In 1637, it was resolved in the Massachusetts colony to raise ji t^
troops to make war on the' Pequod Indians. Previous to this '
period there had been many conflicts with these Indians, in
which the colonists were as barbarous in their mode of war-
fare as the Indians. Dr. Mather's writings contain such items
as the following': " Some of Uucas' men being there at Say-
brook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequods,
espied seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five
of them, and took one prisoner and brought him to the En-
glish fort, which gave great satisfaction and encouragement to
the English. . . . When the prisoner was executed, his
limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and burned
to ashes." Again, Dr. M. says, in sailing westward from Say---
brook, "the wind not answering, they cast anchor. Some
scattering Pequods were then taken and slaifi, as also the
Pequod sachem, before expressed, had his head cut off, whence
that place did bear the name of Sachem's Head."

The contemplated expedition against the doomed Pequods
met with some delay after the troops were raised, and some
had gone forward under Underhill to Fort Saybrook. There
seemed to be no doubt in the minds of the colonists about the
justness of the war, but it was thought the army "was too
much a covenant with works." The expedition finally got
ready to move, and "by a solemn public invocation of the
word of God," a leader was designated by lot from among the
magistrates. Stoughton was chosen as such, and a chaplain
was also selected. While the Massachusetts party proeras-
tinafed, the Connecticut towns had sent forward a force which
had been joined by those at Fort Saybrook, and led by Mason
and itnderhill, the Pequods were attacked while within their

12 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

fort or village, and asleep in their vigwafns, and literally
annihilated. " The barking of a dog," says Drake, " was the
first notice they had of the approach of the enemy, yet very
few knew the cause of the alarm, until met by the naked
swords of the foe. The fort had two entrances at opposite
points, into which each party of the English were led, sword
in hand." Such was the surprise of the Indians "that they
made very feeble resistance. Having onlj"^ their own missile
weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the
English rapiers. They were pursued from wigwam to wig-
wam, and slaughtered in every secret place. Women and
children were cut to pieces while endeavoring to hide under
their beds. At length fire was set in the mats that covered
the wigwams, which furiously spread over the whole fort, and
the dead and dying were together consumed. A pai't of the
English had formed a circumference upon the outside, and
shot such as attempted to fly. Many ascended the pickets to
escape the flames, but were shot down by those stationed fo/r
that purpose. About six hundred Pequods were supposed to__
have perished in this fight, or perhaps I should say massacre.
There were but two English killed, and but one of these by
the enemy, and about twenty wounded. Sassacus himself
was in another fort, and being informed of the ravages of the
English, destroyed his habitations, and with about eighty
others fled to the Mohawks, who treacherously beheaded him
and sent his scalp to the English/' IJnderhill, although en-
gaged in the affair, says the colonists, " bereaved of pity, and
without compassion, kept up the tight within the fort, while
their Indian allies, forming a circle around, struck down every
Pequod who attempted to escape." He adds: " G-reat and
doleful was the bloody sight to the view of young soldiers, to
see so many souls lie gasping on the ground, so thick you
could hardly pass along."

Morton thus describes the termination of this massacre:
"At this time it was a fearful sight to see them thus frying in
the fire, and the streams of blood quenching the same and
terrible was the stink and scent thereof, but the victory seemed
a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise thereof to God,
who had wrought so wonderfully for them, thus to inclose

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 13

their enemies in his hands, and give them so speedy a victory
over so j^roud, insulting, and blasphemous an enemy." Dr.
Mather, in speaking of the event, says : " It is supposed that
no less than five or six hundred Pequod souls were broughty
down to hell that day."

The colonists believed that they were perfectly justified in
this and other like acts against the Indians, and that their
success was sufficient evidence that they had the divine ap-
proval for the destruction of the " bloody heathen." Under-
bill wrote: " We had sufficient light from the word of God
for our proceedings;" and Mason, after reciting with exulta-
tion some portions of the Psalms, exclaimed: "Thus the
Lord was pleased to smite our enemies in the hinder parts, and
to give us their land for an inheritance." There were still a
few Pequods remaining who were not in the fort. (This fort
was situate near the present town of Groton, Connecticut.) /
Stoughton, with his forces, appeared about a fortnight after
the slaughter, and, joined by Mason, set out to finish up the
work. The Indians were hunted from swamp to swamp. At
one place about one hundred were captured, twenty-two of
whom were men. These were put to death ; thirty women
and children were given to the Narragansetts (then the allies
of the colonists), and about fifty others sent to Boston, and
from thence distributed as slaves to some of the principal col-
onists. Quite a number of adult male persons, that had from
time to time fallen into the hands of the colonists, were sent
to the West Indies and sold into slavery, and the women and
children of such were made slaves at home. During Stough-
ton's campaign, he wrote the governor of Massachusetts as
follows : " By this pinnace you shall receive forty-eight or
fifty women and children, unless they stay here to be helpful,
etc., concerning which there is one I formei-ly mentioned that
is the fairest and largest that I saw among them, to whom I
have given a coate to clothe her. It is my desire to have her
for a servant, if it may stand with your good likeing, else
not. There is a little squaw that steward Calicut desireth, to
whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also desireth
one, to wit, a small one that hath three strokes upon the
stomache. He desireth her if it shall stand with your good

14 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

likeing." Thus were the Peqnods exterminated. They were
regarded by the Puritans as belonging to the " cursed race of
Ham ;" fit only to be rooted out and destroyed.

The feeling of the colonists toward the Pequods and the
barbarous treatment and cruel murder of the entire tribe,
discloses the general feeling of the whites toward the Indians
at that period. Comparatively ignorant of the views and in-
tentions of the Indians, the whites were distrustful, and
hence in their intercourse with them they were from the be-
ginning exacting aud vindictive. As time advanced, the
opinion grew among the colonists that the Indian was a cum-
berer of the ground; that he stood in the way of Christian
civilization, and that they were justified in destro^'ing him.
It is true that there were exceptions among the whites, and a
few men, of whom Eliot was a type, believed that the Indian,
though a savage, was a man, and these labored among the
natives with the spirit of true missionaries. Such men had a
heavy burden to carry, but the}' labored incessantly to reclaim
the savage and teach him the Christian faith. Under the
teachings of these devoted men, there were by the beginning
of what is known as King Philip's War about ten to twelve
hundred converts, who were known as the " Preying Indians."
Eliot, who managed the missionary funds, was admonished
by the Puritans that they feared lest the converts " should
only follow Christ for loaves and outward advantage." It
was only by constant effort and importunity that he was en-
abled to overcome this suspicious fear, and obtain liberty from
the colonists to organize a church at his Indian town. He, how-
ever, received but little aid for this enterprise from the colo-
nists, and was compelled to rely mainly on contributions
from friends in England to support it. When it is remem-
bered that in the grants from European powers to their sub-
jects who came out to plant colonics in jSTorth America,
one avowed purpose was to propagate the gospel among the
heathen, and that the New England colonists felt that the
duty of laboring to convert the natives was obligatory on
them, what actually occurred seems more like fiction than
truth. The conduct of the colonists toward the natives was
such as to precipitate conflicts, and hence the respect, and

OLE INDIAN WAEDS. 15

even veneration, manifested by the natives on the landing of
the wliites was rapidly transformed into distrust, hatred, and
revenge. The extension of the settlements, and the traffic
which followed, put fire-arms into the hands of the Indians,
and thus they were enabled to resist oppression with fearful
effect. The colonial records, and the journals of many of the
actors, burden, our early annals with sad chapters, whicii,
when read, fill the heart with sorrow and pain.

In the confiicts which in the progress of time grew up be-
tween European powers, touching their territorial rights in
the new country, the savages were enlisted and took up arms,
and in our colonial disturbances, and in the Revolutionary
War, the Indians were involved in like manner. Thus their
thirst for war was cultivated, and the eiForts of devoted men,
who from time to time appeared among them as missionaries,
were rendered almost fruitless.

In the conflicts which prevailed between the natives and
the frontier settlers, growing out of the aggressions of the lat-
ter upon the hunting grounds of the former, human life was
most fearfully sacrificed. These conflicts produced a most
bitter state of feeling on both sides. The Indians regarded
the white man with abhorrence. They believed tliat his de-
sign was not only to despoil them of their lauds, but to de-
stroy them as a people ; and the whites regarded the Indian
as an irreclaimable savage, who, without remorse and in the
most barbarous manner, killed the innocent and unofiiending
settlers without regard to age or sex. The cruel wrongs in-
flicted on the Indians were never forgotten, but transmitted
from parent to child, and to be avenged when opportunity
offered. And the injuries sustained by the whites at the hands
of the Indians inflamed the friends and relatives of those who
suffered, and they in turn inflicted punishment on the savages
wherever possible. Thus began an irrepressible conflict,
which, in some form, has continued from generation to gen-
eration, even until the present time.

16 OUR INDIAN" WARDS.

CHAPTER II.

The iNTERCotrrsE and dealings of William Penn with the Indians. — The

IMPBKSSION MADE UPON THEM. — PeNn's DESCRIPTION OP THE INDIANS AS
HE FOUND THEM.

The dealings between "William Peiin and the Indians are
an exception to the general statement in the preceding chap-
ter, standing out isolated and alone in our early history. That
great man resolved that in the management of his affairs with
the natives in the Province of Pennsylvania, which he held
by a royal charter, strict justice should at all times govern
his conduct. He was, by his charter, made true and absolute
lord of the province. He had authority to raise troops, make
war, pursue his enemies by land and sea, and, " by Grod's
assistance, to vanquish and take them." He sent over a col-
ony in 1681, to take possession of the province, and followed
himself in 1682. His first care was to establish friendly rela-
tions with the Indians. In this regard, he dealt justly and
with great kindness. He did not ignore the rights of the na-
tives, and rely upon his grant, sweeping as it was, for a perfect
title to the country, but purchased it from the Indians, and
paid them for it. In a treaty made under the " Old Elm
Tree," on the banks of the Delaware, he established such re-
lations, and thereafter lived up to them in such good' faith, as
preserved peaceful and friendly intercourse for more than
half a century. During all this time, there was not a fort
built or a hostile gun fired.

In commenting on this treaty, Voltaire said it was the only
one made without an oath, and the only one that had not been
broken. Penn's conduct toward the natives was such as to
give him an affectionate remembrance among all the Indian
nations. Many, to this day, refer to it. He did more than
satisfy the Indians for their lands. He paid for some of them
twice. At a conference held at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in^
1744, upward of sixty years after Penn's treaty with the In-

OUR INDIAN WARD3. 17

dians on the Delaware, one of the chiefs of the Six ligations
said :

" When our brother Onas (the name given to Penn by his
red brothers), a great while ago, came to Albany to buy the
Susquehannab lands from us, our brother, the governor of-*
Kew York, who, as we supposed, had not a good understand-
ing with our brother Onas, advised us not to sell him any
land, for he would make a bad use of it ; and, pretending tO'
be our friend, he advised us, in order to prevent Onas, or any
other persons, imposing on us, and that we might always have
our land when we wanted it, to put it into his hands ; and he
told us he would keep it for our use, and never open his
hands, but keep them close shut, and not pai't with it, but at
our request. Accordingly, we trusted him, and put our lands
into his hands, and charged him to keep them safe ibr our
use. But, some time after, he went to England and carried
our land with him, and there sold it to our bi'other Onas for
a large sum of money. And when, at the instance of our
brother Onas, we were minded to sell him some lands, he told
us we had sold the Susquehannab lands already to the gov-
ernor of New York, and that he had bought them from him
in England; though, when he came to understand how th&
governor of New York had deceived us, he very generously^
paid us for our lands over again."

Red Jacket, a Seneca chief, was one of a delegation of New
York Indians that visited Philadelphia in 1792. These were
received and welcomed by the governor of Pennsylvania, and
addressed by him at the council chamber. There was sus-
pended on the wall a fine picture of "William Penn, and to it
the governor referred in his speech in an appropriate manner.
This delegation was some time in the city, and, some days
after the reception, there was a second interview, at which
several of the chiefs spoke in response to the speech of wel-
come, lied Jacket spoke as follows :

" Brother Onas, governor (the Indians continued this name,

and applied it to Penn's successors), open unprejudiced ears

to what we have to say. Some days since, you addressed us,

and what you said gave us great pleasure. This day, th&

2

18 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Great Spirit lias allowed us to meet you again in this council
chamber. "We hope that your not receiving an immediate
answer to your address will make no improper impression on
your mind. We mention this, lest you might suspect that
your kind welcome and friendly address has not had a proper
effect upon our hearts. We assure you it is far otherwise.
In your address to us the other day, in this ancient council
chamber, where our fathers have often conversed together,
several things struck our attention very forcibly. When you
told us this was the place iu which our fathers often met on
peaceable terms, it gave us sensible pleasure, and more joy
than we could express. Though we have no writings, like
you, yet we remember often to have heard of the friendship
that existed between our fathers and yours. The picture to
which you have drawn our attention (the portrait of Penn)
brought fresh to our minds the friendly conferences that used
to be held between the former governors of Pennsylvania and
our tribes, and showed the love which your forefathers had
for peace, and the friendly disposition of our people. It is
still our wish, as well as yours, to preserve peace between our
tribes and you, and it would be well if the same spirit existed
among the Indians to the westward. Your disposition is
that for which the ancient Onas governors were remarkable.
As you love peace, so do we also ; and we wish that it could
be extended to the most distant part of this great country.
We agreed in council, this morning, that the sentiments I
have expressed should be communicated to you before the
delegates of the Five Nations, and to tell you that our cordial
welcome to this city, and the good sentiments contained in
your address, have made a deep impression on our hearts,
and given us great joy; and from the heart I tell you so. This
is all I have to say."

This speech was made one hundred and ten years after the
date of Penn's treaty, and though the Indians "have no
writings" by which events are recorded, and thus kept fresh
in the minds of those who succeed the actors in them. Red
Jacket showed that he was not ignorant of what transpired
in 1682, between William Penn and the Leuni Lenapes and
other Indians, on the banks of the Delaware, more than one

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 19

liundred years previous. Some twenty-five years since, a
venerable chief of the Delawares, Capt. Ketchem, in a con-
versation with the author in the (then) country of those In-
■dians, in relation to the events of the past, said : " "W"e have
no books like our white brothers in which to record these
things, but they are written on our hearts, and are trans-
mitted to our children, and by them to theirs, and thus they
are preserved." In the same conversation the old chief re-
ferred to Penn's council on the Delaware, and to the treaty
made with his ancestors by the United States, at Fort Pit^
when the "thirteen fires (the United Spates) were young""
(1778), and the pledge of the Indians to aid and assist by sup-
plies and warriors in the "revolutionary war. At the close of
a very interesting and earnest conversation, the venerable
man said with deep feeling: " When you return to Washing-
ton, say to our Great Father, that we desire him and his
white children so to act toward us red men, who are also his
children, that when all have done acting here (pointing to the
■earth), we shall meet up yonder" (pointing to the heavens).

Having referred to the dealings of William Penn with the
Indians in the province of Pennsylvania, and the harmony
that existed between him and his successors and them for
Tnore than half a century, it seems appropriate in this con-
nection to embody the principles which governed him in his
intercourse with the natives, as well as his opinion of them.
Having obtained his grant from the king, he appointed his
relative, William Markham, temporary deputy governor, and
the latter, in the fall of 1681, set sail with three ships loaded
with colonists and supplies for Pennsylvania. Penn did not
come over until the following year. He designed Markham
for his secretary when he himself should visit the country.
From the colonists he selected judicious commissioners, who
had instructions to form a league with the Indians on their
arrival. They were directed to be just and candid with the'
natives, and they were intrusted with an open letter ad-'
■dressed to the Indians, of which the following is a copy :

" London, ISlh of &h mo., 1681.

" My Fkibnds : — There is a great God and power that hath
made the world and all things therein, to whom you, and I,

20 OTJR INDIAN WARDS.

and all people, owe their living and well-being, and to whom-
you and I must one day give an account for all that we do in
the world. This great God hath written his law on our
hearts, by which we are taught to love and help one another.
Now this great God hath been pleased to make me concerned
in your part of the world; and the king of the country where
I live hath been pleased to give me a great province therein,
but I desire to enjoy it with your love and consent, that we may
always live together as brothers and friends, else, what
would the great God do to us, who hath made us, not to de-
vour and destroy one another, but to live soberly and kindly
in the world. Now I would have you well observe that I am
very sensible of the unkindness and' injustice that hath been
too much exercised toward you by the people of these parts,
who have sought themselves, and to make great advantages
of you, rather than to be examples of goodness and patience
unto you, and caused your grudging and animosity, some-
times to the shedding of blood, which has made the great
God angry. But I am not such a man, as is well known in
my own country. I have great love and regard for you, and
desire to win and gain your love and friendship by a kind,
just, and peaceable life, and the people I send to you are of
the same mind, and shall, in all things, behave themselves
accordingly; and if in anything, any shall offend you, or-
your people, you shall have a speedy satisfaction for the same
by an equal number of just men on both sides, that by no
means you shall have just cause of being against them. I
shall shortly come to you myself, at which time we may more
fully confer together and discourse this matter; in the mean-
time I have sent my commissioners to treat with you about
land, and to form with you a firm league of peace; let me
desire you -to be kind to them and their people, and to receive
these presents and tokens which I have sent you as a token of
my good will to you, and my resolution to live justly, peace-
ably, and friendly with you.

" I am your loving friend,

" William Pbnn."
During the fall of 1681, iu writing to a particular friend in
England, in relation to his enterprise, Penn said : " For my

OUR INDIAN WARDS, 21

<50untry (Pennsylvania), I eyed the Lord in obtaining it, and
more was I drawn inward to look to him, and to it more to his
hand and power, than to any other way. I have so obtained it
and desire so to keep it, that I may not be unworthy of his
blessing; but do that which may answer. his kind providence,
and serve his truth and people, that an example may be set
up to the nations ; there may be some there, though not here?
for snch a holy experiment."

Penn arrived in his colony in July, 1682, and took legal
possession and assumed authority and jurisdiction as governor
of the same. He immediately convened an assembly, at which
certain laws and regulations, agreed upon in England, with
some additional ones for the government of the colony, were
adopted and promulgated. Among these were the following :

" Inasmuch as it is usual with planters to overreach the
poor natives of the country in trade, by goods not being good
of the kind, or debased with mixtures, with which they are
seusibly aggrieved, it is agreed that whatever is sold to the
Indians, in consideration of their furs, be sold in the market
place, and there suffer the test, whether good or bad ; if good,
to pass ; if bad, not to be sold for good, that the Indians may
not be provoked nor abused.

" That no man shall, by any ways or means, in word or
■deed, affront or wrong any Indian, but he shall incur the
same penalty of the law as if he had committed a wrong
against his fellow-planter; and if any Indian shall abuse, in
word or deed, any planter of this province, that he shall not
be his own judge upon the Indians, but he shall make his
complaint to the governor of the province, his lieutenant or
-deputy, or some inferior magistrate near him, who shall, to
the utmost of his power, take care, with the king of the said
Indians, that all reasonable satisfaction be made to the said
injured planter. . >

" That all differences between the planters and the natives
shall also be ended by twelve men, that is, by six planters and
six natives ; that so we may live friendly together, as much as
in us lieth, preventing all occasions of heart-burnings and
anischiefs.

"That the Indians shall have liberty to do all things relat-

22 OUR INDIAN -VTARDS.

ing to improvements of their grounds, and providing suste-
nance for their families, that any of the planters may enjoy."

When the time had arrived at which Penn and the Indians
had agreed to meet personally, to confirm the treaty of peace,
and the purchase of the land which his commissioners had bar-
gained for, and the transaction was now to be publicly ratified,
"he proceeded, accompanied by his friends of both sexes, to-
Coaquannuck, the Indian name of the place where Philadel-
phia now stands. On his arrival he found the chiefs and their
people there assembled. They were seen in the woods as far
as the eye could reach, and looked frightful, both on account
of their number and their arms. The Quakers are reported
to have been but as a handful in comparison, and these with-
out any weapons, so that dismay and terror had come upon
them, had they not confided in the justice of their cause. In
relation to this event, Chalkley, in his life of Penn, says :

" It is much to be regretted, when we have accounts of
minor treaties between William Penn and the Indians, that
in no history can be found an account of this, though so many
make mention of it, and though all concur in considering it
the most glorious in the annals of the world.

" There are, however, relations in Indian speeches, and
traditions in Quaker families, descended from those who
were present on the occasion, from which we may learn
something about it. It appears that though the parties were
to assemble at Coaquannuck, the treaty was made a little
higher up, at Schackamaxon. Upon this Kensington now
stands, the houses of which may be considered in Philadel-
phia. William Penn appeared in his usual clothes. He had
no crown, scepter, mace, sword, halberd, nor any insignia
of office. He was distinguished only by wearing a sky-blue
sash around his waist, which was of silk net-work, and.
which was of no longer apparent dimensions than an officer's^
military sack, and much like it in color. On his right was
Colonel Markham, his relation and secretary, and on his left
Friend Pearson. After followed a train of Quakers. Before
him was carried various articles of merchandise, which, when-
they came near the sachems, were spread upon the ground.
He held a roll of parchment containing a confirmation of the:

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 23

treaty of purchase .and amity in his hand. One of the
sachems, who was the chief of them, then put upon his own
head a kind of chaplet, in which appeared a small horn.
This, as among the primitive eastern nations, and according
to scripture language, was an emblem of kingly power, and
whenever the chief who had a right to wear it put it on, it^
was understood that the place was made sacred, and the
persons of all present inviolable. Upon putting on this horn
the Indians threw down their bows and arrows, and seated
themselves around the chiefs, in the form of a half moon,
upon the ground. The chief sachem then announced to
William Penn, by means of an interpreter, that the Indiana
were ready to hear him. Having been called upon, Penn
began thus :

" The great God who made him and them, who ruled in
heaven and earth, and who knew the inmost thoughts of men,
knew that him and his friends had a hearty desire to live in
peace with them, and to serve them to the utmost of their
power. It was not their custom to use hostile weapons
against their fellow-creatures ; for which reason they came
unarmed. Their object was not to do injury, and thus pro-
voke the Great Spirit, but to do good. They were then met
on the broad pathway of good faith and good- will ; so that
no advantage v^as to be taken on either side, but all was to be
openness, brotherhood, and love."

After these and other words, he unrolled the parchment,,
and by means of the same interpreter, conveyed to them,
article by article, the conditions of the purchase, and the
words of the compact there made for their perpetual union.
Among other things, even in the territory they had alienated,
they were not to be molested in their lawful pursuits, for it
was to be common to them and the English. They were to
have the same liberty to do all things therein, relating to the
improvement of their grounds, and providing sustenance for
their families, which the English had. If any disputes should
arise between them, they should be settled by twelve persons,
half of whom should be English and half Indians.

" He then paid them for their land, and made them many
presents beside, from the merchandise which had been spread

24 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

before them. Having done this, he spread the roll of parch-
ment on the ground, observing again that the ground should
be common to both people. He added, that he would not do
as the Marylanders did,tliat is, call them children, or brothers
only, for often parents were apt to whip their children too
severel}', and brothers sometimes would differ ; neither would
he compare the friendship between them to a chain, for the
rain might rust it, or a tree might fall and break it ; but he
should consider them as the same flesh and blood with the
Christians, and the same as if one man were to be divided
into two parts. He took up the parchment and presented it
to the sachem who wore the horn and chaplet, and desired
him and the other sachems to preserve it carefully for three
generations, that their children might know what had passed
between them, just as if he remained with them to repeat it.

" That "William Peim must have done and said a great deal
more on this interesting occasion than has now been repeated,
there can be no doubt. What I have advanced (continues
Chalkley) may be relied upon, but I am not warranted in
going further. It is also to be regretted that the speeches of
the chiefs on this memorable day have not come down to us.
It is only known that they solemnly pledged themselves, ac-
cording to their country manners, to live in love with Penn
and his children as long as the sun and the moon shall en-
dure."

In commenting on this transaction. Abbe Reynol says :

" Penn thought it right to obtain an additional right, by
fair and open purchase from the aborigines, and thus to sig-
nalize his arrival by an act of equity which made his person
and principles equally beloved. Here it is that the mind rests
with pleasure upon modern history, and feels some kind of
•compensation for the disgust, melancholy, and horror which
the whole of it, but particularly that part which relates to the
European settlements in America, inspires."

Xoble says, " Penn occupied his domain by actual bargain
and sale with the Indians. This act does him infinite honor
as no blood was shed, and the Christians and barbarians met
as brothers. Penn has thus taught us to respect the lives and
property of the most ignorant nations."

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 25

Proud, in his history of Pennsylvaaia, says that " Penn,
being now returned from Maryland to Coaquannuck, pur-
chased land from the Indians, whom he treated with great
justice and sincere kindness. It was at this time, when he
first entered into that personal friendship with them, which
ever afterward continued between them, and which, for the
space of more that seventy years, was never interrupted, or so
long as the Quakers retained power in Pennsylvania. His con-
•duct in general toTKe people, was in engaging his justice in
particular so conspicuous, and the counsel and advice he gave
them were so evidently for their advantage, that he became
thereby very much endeared to them, and the sense thereof
made such deep impressions on their minds, that his name
and memory will scarcely be effaced while they continue a
people."

The great Elm Tree, under which the Penn treaty was con-
firmed, became historic. During our revolutionary war,
when the British forces under General Simcoe were quartered
^t Kensington, and his troops were cutting down the trees in
the neighborhood for firewood, he guarded it with sentinels,
with orders not to permit a branch to be cut from it. This
tree, in 1811, yielded to a storm and was blown down, when
the wood was used for cups and" various other articles, to be
preserved as memorials.

The habits, manners, and customs of the Indians, in their
wild state, at the time Penn came among them, he has trans-
mitted to us, and they are but little difterent from such as
attach to the uncivilized Indians of a later date. He says :

" The natives I shall consider in their persons, manners, lan-
guage, religion, and government, with my sense of the orig-
inal. For their persons, they are generally tall, straight, well
built, and of singular proportions. They tread strong and
clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin; of complexion
dark, but by design, as the gypsies in"lEngland. They grease
themselves with bear's oil clarified; and using no defense
against sun or weather, their skins must needs be swarthy.
Their eye is little and black, not unlike a straight Jew ; the
thick lip and flat nose, so frequent with the East Indian and
the blacks are not common to them, for I have seen as comely,

26 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

European -like faces among them, of both sexes, as on the
other side of the sea; and truly an Italian-like complexion
hath not much more of the white, and the nose of many of
them hath much of the Roman.

"Their language is lofty, yet narrow; but like the He-
brew, in signification — full, like shorthand in writing, one
word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are supplied
by the understanding of the hearer; imperfect in their tenses,
wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions.
I have made it my business to understand the language, that
I might not want an interpreter on any business, and I. must
say that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath
words of more sweetness or greatness, in accent and empha-
sis, than theirs; for instances, Oc-to-co-chau, Kan-co-cas^
Oric-tou, Schack, Po-ques-com, all which are names of places,
and have grandeur in them. Of words of sweetness, Anna,
is mother ; Inemas, is brother ; Nitcap, is friend ; TJr-gue-vut,
is very good; Pa-nee, is, bread; Met-sa, eat; Mettah-ne-
hattah, to have; Paya-ta-camis, Sas-pas-sin, Pas-se-gan, the
names of places. Tar-mla-nee, Se-ca-nee, Ma-nau-see, Sa-ca-
torious, are the names of persons.

" If one ask them for any thing they have not, they will
answer, Mettah-ne-Hattah, which to translate, means is not I
have, instead of I have not.

"Of their manners and customs there is much to be said.
I will begin with children. So soon as they are born they
wash them in water, and while very young, and in cold water
to choose, they plunge them in the river, to harden and em-
bolden them. Having wrapped them in a cloth, they lay
them on a straight thin board, a little more than the length
and breadth of the child, and swaddle it first upon the board

to make it straight — wherefore all Indians have flat heads

and thus they carry them at their backs. The children go
very young, at nine months old, commonly; they use only a
small cloth round their waist till they are large ; if boys they
go a fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen •
then they hunt, and after giving some proofs of their man-
hood, by a good return of skins, they may marry, else it is a
shame to think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 27

and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, and carry burdens ;
and they do well to use them young, which they must do
when they are old, for the wives are the true servants of the
husbands, otherwise the men are very affectionate to them.

" When the young women are fit for marriage, they wear
something on their heads for an advertisement, but so as their
faces are hardly seen but when they please. The age they
marry at, if women, is about thirteen or fourteen ; if boys,,
seventeen or eighteen ; they are seldom older.

" Their houses are mats or barks of trees, set on poles, in
the fashion of English barns, out of the power of the winds,
for they are hardly higher than a man ; they lie on reeds or
grass ; in traveling they lie in the woods, about a great tire,
with the mantle of duffles they wear by day wrapped about
them, and a few boughs stuck around them.

" Their diet is maize or Indian corn, divers ways prepared ;
sometimes roasted in the ear in ashes, sometimes beaten and
boiled with water, which they call hominy ; they also make
cakes, not unpleasant to eat; they have likewise several sorts
of beans and peas that are good nourishment, and the woods
and rivers are their larder.

" If a European comes to see them, or calls for lodging at
their house or wigwam, they give him the best place, and the
first cut. If they come to visit us, they salute us with an
'Itah,' which is as much as to say, good he to you, and set
them down, which is generally on the ground; it may be they
speak not a word, but observe all that is passing. If you give
them any thing to eat or drink, well, for they will not ask ;
and be it little or much, if it be with kindness, they are well
pleased, else they go away sullen, but say nothing.

" They are great concealers of their own resentment, brought
to it, I believe, by the revenge that hath been practiced among
them ; in either of these they are not exceeded by the Italians.

" But in liberality they excel ; nothing is too good to set for
a friend ; give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may
pass twenty hands before it sticks; light of heart, strong
affections, but soon spent. The most merry creatures that
live; they feast and dance perpetually, almost; they never
have much, nor want much ; wealth circulateth like the blood ;

28 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

all parties partake, and none shall want what another party-
hath, yet exact observers of property. Some kings sold, oth-
ers presented me with several tracts of land ; the pay or pres-
ents I presented them were not hoarded by the particular
owners, but the neighboring kings and their class being pres-
ent when the goods were brought out, the parties chiefly con-
sulted what and to whom they should give them. To every
king, then, by the hands of a person for that work appointed,
is a portion sent, so sorted and folded, and with that gravity
which is admirable. Then the kings subdivide it in like man-
ner among their subjects, they hardly leaving themselves an
equal share with one of their subjects, and be it on such occa-
sions as festivals, or at their common meals, the kings dis-
tribute, and to themselves last. They care for little, because
they want but little, and the reason is, a little contents them ;
in this, they sufiiciently revenge on us ; if they 4re ignorant
of our pleasures, they are free from our pains.

" They are not disquieted with bills of lading and exchange,
nor perplexed with chancery suits and exchequer reckonings.
We sweat and toil to live ; their pleasure feeds them. I mean
their hunting, fishing, and fowling, and this table is spread
anywhere; they eat twice a day, morning and evening; their
table and seats are the ground. Since Europeans came into
these parts, they are grown great lovers of strong drink, rum
especially, and for it exchange the richest of their skins and
furs. If they are heated with liquor, they are restless till
tliey have enough to sleep ; that is their cry, some more, and
I will go to sleep ; but when drunk, one of the most wretched
■spectacles in the world.

" In sickness, impatient to be cured, and for it give any
thing, especially for their children, to whom they are ex-
tremely natural. They drink at those times a teran, or con-
coction of roots in spring water, and if they eat any flesh, it
must be the female of any creature. If they die, they bury
them with their apparel, be they men or women, and the
nearest of kin fling in something precious with them, as a
token of their love ; their mourning is blacking of their faces
which they continue for a year ; they are choice of the graves
of their dead, least they should be lost by time, and fall to

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 29'

common use ; they pick off the grass that grows upon them,
and heap up the fallen earth with-great care and exactness.

"These poor people are under a dark night in things re-
lating to religion ; to he sure, the traditions of it they have
only ; yet they believe in a God and immortality, without the
help of metaphysics ; for, say they, there is a great King that
made them, and that the souls of the good shall go thither,
where they shall live again. Their worship consists of two
parts — sacrifice and cantico ; their sacrifice is their first frnits ;
the first and the fattest buck they kill goeth to the fire, where
lie is burnt, with the mournful ditty of him that performetli
the ceremony, but with such marvelous fervency and labor
of body, that they will even sweat to a foam. The other part
is their cantico, performed by round dances, sometimes words,,
sometimes songs, then shouts; two being in the middle, that
begin, and by singing and drumming on a board, direct the-
chorus. Their postures in the dance are very antique and
differing, but all keep measure. This is done with equal
earnestness and labor, but great appearances of joy. In the-
fall, when the corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another.
There have been two great festivals already, to which all come
that would ; I was at one myself. Their entertainment was a
great seat by a spring, under some shady trees, and twenty-
five bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and
beans, which they make up in square form, in the leaves of
the stem, and bake them in the ashes ; and after that they
fall to dancing. But they that go must carry a small present,,
in their money ; it may be sixpence, which is made of the
bone of a fish ; the black is with them as gold, the white sil-
ver ; they call it all wampum.

" Their government is by kings, which they call sachema,
and those reign by succession, but always of the mother's
side; for instance, the children of him who is now king will
not succeed, but his brother, by the mother, or the children
of his sister, whose sons (and after them the children of her
daughter,) will reign, for no woman inherits. The reasoii
they render for this way of descent is that their issue may
not be spurious.

" Every king hath his council, and that consists of all the-

30 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

old and wise men of his nation, which number, perhaps, two
hundred people; nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war
or peace, selling of land or traffic, without advising with
them, and, which is more, with the young men too. It is
admirable to consider how powerful the kings are, and yet
how they move by the breath of their people. I have had
occasion to be in council with them upon treaties for land,
and to adjust the terms of trade; their order is this: The
king sits in the middle of a half moon, and his council, the
old and wise on each hand; behind them, at a little distance,
sit the younger part, in the same figures. Having consulted
and resolved their business, the king ordered one of them to
speak to me ; he stood up, came to me, and in the name of
the king saluted me, then took me by the hand and told me
that ho was ordered by his king to speak to me, and now it
was not he but the king that spoke, because what he should
say was the king's mind. He first prayed me to excuse them
that they had not complied with me the last time; he feared
there might be some fault in the interpreter, being neither
Indian nor English; beside, it was the Indian custom to de-
liberate, and take up much time in council, before they re-
solved, and that if the young people and owners of the land
had been as read}' as he, I had not met with so much delay.
Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of
the land they had agreed to dispose of, and the price which is
little and dear, that which would have bought twenty miles,
not buying now two. During the time that this person spoke,
not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile ; the old
were grave, the young reverend in their deportment; they
speak little, but fervently, and with elegance. I have never
seen more natural sagacity, considering them without (I was
going to say) the spoil of tradition ; and he will deserve the
name of 'man' that outwits them in a treaty about a thing
which they understand. When the purchase was agreed on,
great promises were made, on both sides, of kindness and
good neighborhood, and that the English and the Indians
must live in love, as long as the sun gave light; which done
another made a speech to the Indians, in the name of all the
sachamahens or kings; first, to tell them what was doue;

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 3J

next, to charge and command them to love the Christians,
and particularly to live in peace with me ; that many gov-
ernors had been in the river, but that no governor had come
himself to live and stay here before; and having now such a
one that treated them so well, they should never do him or
his people any wrong. At every sentence of which they
shouted and said, ' Amen,' in their way.

" The justice they have is pecuniary. In case of any wrong
or evil fact — be it murder itself — they atone by feasts and
presents of their wampum, which is proportioned to the of-
fense or person injured, or of the sex they are of; for, in case
they kill a woman, they pay double, and the reason they ren-
der is that she can raise children, which men can not do. It
is rare that they fall out, if sober ; and, if drunk, forgive it,
saying it was the drink and not the man that abused them.

" We have agreed that, in all differences between us, six of
each side shall settle the matter. Do not abuse them, but let
them have justice, and you win them. The worst is that
the}' are the worse for the Christians, who have propagated
their views, and yielded them tradition for ill and not for
good things. But, as low an ebb as these people are at, and
as inglorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have
not outlived their right, with all the pretensions to a higher
manifestation. What good, then, might not a good people
ingraft, where there is so distinct a knowledge left between
good and evil?

"I beseech God to incline the hearts of all who come into
these parts to outlive the knowledge of the natives by fixed
obedience to the greater knowledge of the will of God ; for
it were miserable, indeed, for us to fall under the just censure
of the poor Indians' consciences, while we make professions
of things so far transcending.

" For the original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish
race ; I mean of the stock of the ten tribe? — and that for the
following reasons: First. They were to go to a land not
planted or known, which, to be sure, Asia and Africa were,
if not Europe ; and he that intended that extraordinary judg-
ment upon them, might make the passage not uneasy to them,
as it is not impossible in itself, from the easterraost part of

32 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Asia to the westermost part of America. In the next place^
I find them of like countenance, and their children of so
lively resemblance that a man would think himself in Duke's
place or Berry street, in London, when he seeth them. But
this is not all. They agree in rites; they reckon by moons ;
they offer their first fruits; they have a kind of feast of
tabernacles ; they are said to lay their altar upon twelve
stones; their mourning a year; customs of women; with,
many other things that do not now occur."

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 33

CHAPTER III.

Events immediately preceding and following the treaty op Paris, iif
1763. — Cessions by France and Spain of their bights to territory

EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI. — CONSPIRACY OF PoNTIAC. — TroOPS RAISED IN

Pennsyltasia and Virginia. — Bounty for Indian scalps. — Whites
OCCUPY the Ohio valley. — Enter Kentucky and the Northwest
Territory. — Rupture between Great Britain and her colonies. —
Beginning of the Revolutionary war, etc.

As the colonies grew in numbers and increased in popula-
tion, complications and wars witli the Indian tribes increased.
The peaceful relations existing in the Province of Pennsylva-
nia between the races, from 1682 to about 1740, are an exce£;_
tion. In all the other provinces or colonies the Indian was
regarded as an undesirable neighbor. His lands were coveted
and wrested from him. To trace in the briefest detail the
various conflicts that arose between the whites and Indians,
from the time of the landing of the Pilgrims to our Revolu-
tionary era, would fill a massive volume. It is not deemed
necessary that these early annals be reproduced in order to a
proper understanding of the Indian question.

"We shall not go further back than the end of the struggle
in which the French and English were engaged in war in re-
lation to their territorial possessions in America. We should
not go back thus far, were it not to allude to a remarkable
character that appeared among the Indians at that time, and
made a masterly eflEbrt in their behalf.

By the treaty of Paris, concluded February l OfVJ QS, the
war between France and England terminated, and France re-
nounced all pretensions to the possessions she had claimed
east of the Mississippi, and made over the same to Great Brit-
ain. About the same time Spain ceded Florida to England,
and thus the latter was vested with the ownership and sov-
ereignty, so far as that depended on the consent of her rivals,,
of the entire eastern half of North America. In all the
3

34 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

years in which controversies and conflicts existed between
European powers, touching their territorial riglita on this con-
tinent, the Indians were involved, their natural love of war
cultivated, and, as a consequence, they were demoralized.
The few who sought their reclamation and civilization were
powerless. U^ Q^^*^)

After the fall of Fort Du Quesne, in 17595" settl&rs from
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia began to press across
the mountains to possess themselves of the lands on the east-
ern or southern shore of the Ohio river and the valleys
bordering on its tributaries, many looking ultimately to a
home in Kentucky or in the " Territory northwest of the
river Ohio." With the reverses of the French, the Iroquois
went over to the side of the English, while numerous tribes
in the west, who had fought on the side of the French, re-
tired into the forest and remained on their hunting grounds.
Hence, the settlers referred to were emboldened to go out
and found new homes. There were many adverse claims to
the lands, by companies holding under grants from the ci-own,
or claiming on contracts of various kinds, and there were
soldiers' claims under the proclamation of Dinwiddle, gov-
ernor of the colony of Virginia. Notwithstanding these
facts, thousands were preparing and in motion to go out and
possess the country, taking no notice of the rights of the In-
dians inhabiting it. At the same period there was an in-
cipient movement among the various western tribes, who, in
the war, had followed the fortunes of France, to recover the
possessions which England had worhfrom her. This was
called the '^ Conspiracy of Povtiac." This rhan was an Ottawa
chief, and one of the most remarkable men that appeared in
his time. By his skill, ability, and strategy, he had pre-
arranged a combined movement upon the military and trading
posts at Detroit, Michilimackinac, Lebeuf, Presque Isle, San-
dusky, Miami, St. Joseph, Green Bay, Niagara, Fort Pitt, and
other frontier posts, and had enlisted in the enterprise tlio
Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyand«ts,Pottawatomies,^Del-
awares, Shavvnees, and other tribes. The attack was to be
made about the last of May, 1763. Each tribe was to sur-
prise the garrison or post in its ow^ locality, slaughter the

OUR INDIAN" WARDS, 35

soldiers and other inmates, and then all were unitedly to turn
upon the frontier settlements. The messengers of Pontiac bore
from him to the different tribes the following speech : "Why,
says the Great Spirit, do you suffer these dogs in red clothing
to enter your country and take the land I have given you?
Drive them from it ! Drive them ! When you are in distress
I will help you."

In the language of the author of the Annals qf^_the West:
" This voice was heard, but not by the whites. The unsus-
pecting traders journeyed from village to village; the sol-
diers in the forts shrunk from 'the sun of early summer, and
dozed away the day ; -the frontier settler, singing in fancied
security, sowed his crop, or, watching the sun set through the
girdled trees, mused upon one more peaceful harvest, and
told his children of the horrors of the ten years' war, how,
thank God, over. From the Alleghanies to the Mississippi the
trees had leaved, and all was calm, life, and joy. But through
that great country, the bands of sullen.red men were journey-
ing from the central valleys to the lakes and eastern hills.
Bands of Chippewas gathered about Michilimackinac. Ot-
tawas tilled the woods near Detroit. The Maumee post,
Presque Isle, Niagara, Pitt, Legonier, and every English fort
was hemmed in by mingled tribes, who felt that the great
battle drew nigh which was to determine their fate, and the
possession of their noble lands. At last the day came. The
traders every-where were seized, their goods taken from them,
and more than one hundred of them put to death. Nine
British forts yielded instantly, and the savages drank the
blood of many a Briton. The border streams of Pennsyl-
vania and Virginia ran red again. We hear, says a letter
from Fort Pitt, ' of scalping every hour,' In western Vir-
ginia and Pennsylvania more than twenty thousand people
were driven from their homes. . . . Fort Pitt, Niagara,
and Detroit were attacked, but not taken. [These were reg-
ular fortified forts. Pontiac commanded in person at Detroit,
and would undoubtedly have taken it, but the plot was com-
municated to the commander in advance by an Indian girl,
and hence he was prepared to defend his position. Pontiac,
however, environed the fort for several months, keeping the

36 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

troops within the fortifications, and only abandoned the siege
when advised that heavy reinforcements were near at hand
for its relief.] Pontiac resided near Detroit. He was one of
those heroic men who stamp their character on their country
and their age. No American savage has shown a more
marked character, in forming great and comprehensive plana,
or in executing them with energy and boldness."

In Tuttie's Border Wars, he says that " although the In-
dians of the Northwest were poorly qualified to engage in a
war with the English, they had good reasons for commencing
it. A defeat could not be much worse than the insults to
which they were every day subjected, and to stand quietly by
and see their best hunting grounds invaded by the English
settlers, was not to be endured by Indian warriors who could
boast as brave and sagacious a leader as Pontiac. The French
missionaries and fur-traders who had formerly come among
them, gave but little cause for alarm. These adventurers
were, for the most part, satisfied with the proceeds of a traflic
with the savages, or with telling them the story of the cross ;
but it was not so with the Englishman. He was essentially
a husbandman, and for half a league around his little hut, he
claimed exclusive rights to the resources of the territory.
When the Indian invaded these limits he was treated with
haughty opposition and ordered away. Thus the red men
beheld the rapidly approaching ruin of their race, and hastened
to avei't it. Pontiac, whose penetrating mind could reach
farthest into coming events, warned those around him of the
danger of allowing the English to make permanent settle-
ments in their country, and counseled the tribes to unite in
one great effort against the common foe. He did not support
the common idea which prevailed among the infuriated In-
dians, of driving the English into the Atlantic ocean, for he
well knew their military skill and power ; but being persuaded'
by the French, that the king of France was at that time
advancing up the St. Lawrence with a mighty army, he re--
solved to lead the warriors to battle, with a view to restorino-
the French power in Canada, and to check the English in
their progress westward.

" Eesolved on this course, Pontiac, at the close of the year

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 37

"1762, sent out deputies to all tlie tribes. Thej visited the
■country of the Ohio, passed northward to the region of the
Upper Lakes and the wild borders of the river Ottawa, and
far southward to the mouth of the Mississippi, bearing with
"them the belt of wampum, broad and long as the importance
of the message demanded, and the tomahawk stained red in
token of war. They went from camp to camp, and village
to village, and wherever they appeared the sachems and old
men assembled to hear the words of the great Pontiac. The
head chief of the embassy flung down the tomahawk on the
ground before them, and holding the war belt in his hand, de-
livered with vehement gesture, word for word, the speech
with which he was charged. Every-where the speech was re-
-ceived with approval, the hatchet taken up, and the auditors
stood pledged, according to the Indian custom, to aid in the
projected war. At this period the western wilderness pre-
,sented an interesting scene. Every-where the Indians were
preparing for war. The war dance was celebrated in a hun-
dred villages, and chiefs and warriors, painted and adorned,
stood ready for the onset. To begin the war, however, was
reserved by Pontiac as his own special privilege. In the
spring of 1763 his great conspiracy was mature, and he sum-
moned the chiefs and warriors of all the tribes of the newly
formed league to a war council. The sachems met on the
banks of the Ecories river, near Detroit, whither Pontiac had
gone to welcome them. Band after band of painted warriors
came straggling in, until the forest was alive with restless sav-
ages for nearly a mile up and down the little stream. It was,
indeed, an important event for the red man. At frequent in-
tervals during the year just past he had heard of the words
of the great Ottawa chief, as delivered by his deputies, l^^ow
they had met this wonderful man face to face. He who,
through his diligent ambassadors, had united all the tribes of
the Algonquin family under a confederacy equal in demo-
cratic scope to that of the far famed Six Nations, was now to
.•epeak to many of his subjects for the first time. He was to
-tell them in true Indian eloquence, the story of their ap-
proaching ruin ; he was to uncover the selfish policy of the
JEnglish, and point to the only means by which they could

38 OUR INDIAN -VrARDS.

revive their declining prowess; he was to stand forth before
his savage auditors, and verify, by matchless power of word
and gesture, the thrilling story of his greatness, which had
been passed from village to village on the tongues of his light-
footed messengers. Truly the occasion was an exciting one
for the assembled tribes. All waited patiently to hear the
words of the famous Ottawa chief.

" The council took place on the 27th of April, 1763. On
that morning several old men, the heralds of the camp,,
passed to and fro among the lodges, calling the warriors, in a
loud voice, to attend the meeting. In accordance with the
summons they came issuing from their cabins — the tall, naked
figures of the wild Ojibwas, with quivers slung at their baekff
and light clubs resting in the hollow of their arms; Ottawas,
wrapped in their gaudy blankets; Wyandots, fluttering in
painted shirts, their heads adorned with feathers and their-
leggins garnished with belts. All were soon seated in a wide
circle upon the grass, row within row, a mighty and warlike
assembly. Each savage countenance wore an expression of
gravity. Pipes with ornamental stems were lighted and
passed from hand to hand, until all had smoked together ia
harmony.

" Then Pontiac came forth from his lodge, and walked for-
ward into the midst of the council. He was a man of medium
height, with a grand>/ proportioned muscular figure, and an
address well calculated to win the admiration and respect of
the savage heart. His complexion was rather dark for an In-
dian, and his features wore a bold and stern expression while-
his bearing -was imperious and peremptory. His only attire
was that of a primitive savage — a scanty cincture girt about
his loins, and his long black hair flowing loosely at his back —
excepting the plumes and decorations of the war dress."

In his address, his voice was loud and impassioned, his
gestures fierce, and at every pause his auditors manifested their
assent in deep, guttural ejaculations. His exposure of the-
English policy toward the Indians was eloquent and exhaust-
ive. He complimented the French extravagantly, and con-
trasted them with the " red coats." He gave a summary of
the many insults and injuries which he and his followers hadi

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 39

received at the hands of the English commandant at Detroit,
-and ably portrayed the danger to be apprehended if the
British were allowed to maintain their settlements in the
country. He said they had conquered Canada, and were now
about to turn upon and slaughter the Indians. Already they
had invaded their best hunting grounds, and if not checked,
it would not be long until the Indians would be driven from
their homes. He threw down a broad belt of wampum, say-
ing, " that he had received it from his great father, the king
of France, in token that he had heard the voice of his red
•children, and was on his way to aid them in a war against
the English." All present listened to his speech with marked
■attention, and at its close each warrior was eager to attack
the British fort. But the chief counseled them to desist for
the present. He wished to establish order and method at the
beginning, and thus insure success.

The news that so many forts and posts had fallen into the
iiands of the Indians, caused great alarm among the whites,
and the appearance of parties of Indians on the frontier of
Pennsylvania and Virginia filled the people with consterna-
tion. It seemed as though all the Indian tribes east of the
Mississippi were in a hostile attitude. Colonel Bouquet, hav-
ing raised a force at Philadelphia to go to the relief of Fort
Pitt, found when he arrived at Carlisle, early in July, the
whole country in a panic. The settlers in Sherman's valley,
and on the Tuscarora, suflfered; and those on the Juniata did
■not escape. Carlisle was fi.lled with fugitives, and many left
that place, and pressed on to Lancaster, and even to Phila-
delphia. In fact, all the frontier settlers in the English col-
onies were in a desperate condition. Troops were raised in
Pennsylvania and Virginia to repel and punish the Indians.
Some columns met with misfortune, others were successful
and victorious. In turn the Indians suffered sadly. Many
were barbarously killed, and instances were frequent where
Indian prisoners in large numbers were deliberately mas-
sacred. Under the excitement, the Moravian mission Indians,
on the Susquehannah, were attacked, and many of them, men,
women, and children, were cruelly murdered. Such as escaped
-fled to Lancaster, and were, for their security, lodged in jail.

40 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

A military organization, called the " Paxton Boys," broke-
open the doors of the jail, and perpetrated a new massacre
of the inmates. The fury of the mob — one thousand strong
— was so great that they went on to Philadelphia, to destroy
some friendly Indians who had taken refuge there. The
mob, through the intervention of Franklin and a large vol-
unteer force raised in the city, was prevented from accom-
plishing its bloody work; but there was no power in the
province adequate to punish it. Those Indians — called the
Christian Indians — then moved higher up the Susquehannah,
.and from thence, in a few years, to Ohio, a portion of them,
to suffer other outrages, and finally massacre, at Gnauden-
hutten About this period the English governor of the Prov-
ince of Pennsylvania offered a bounty for Indian scalps. The
Colony of Massachusetts had years before done this.

On a second expedition. Bouquet made a temporary treaty
with the Delawares, Shawnees, and some -other Indians, by
which about two hundred white prisoners were given up to him,
and it was agreed that all the tribes involved would arrange for
a meeting with Sir "William Johnson, with whom a permanent
treaty should be made. Subsequently a treaty was executed, as-
agreed upon, between the Indians and Sir William, who re-
presented the English government, one of the stipulation^ of
which was that the Indians should join the English army in
its march into the Elinois country, for the purpose of aiding
them in getting possession of the forts there. Shortly before
this treaty, was executed, the British government issued a
pi-oclamation (October, 1763),,which was designed to allay the
fears of the red men, and had it been faithfully observed,
would, no doubt, in the future have had a most salutary
effect. The following extracts will disclose the character of
the document :

"And, whereas, it is just and reasonable, and essential to
our interests, and the security of our colonies that the-
several nations or tribes of Indians with whom we are con-
nected, and who live under our protection, should not be
molested or disturbed in the possession of such parts of our
dominions and territories, as, not having been ceded to or
purchased by us, are reserved to them, or any of them, as-

OUE INDIAN WAEDS. 41

their hunting grounds ; we do, therefore, with the advice of
our privy council, declare it to be our royal will and pleasure,
that no governor or commander-in-chief, in any of our colo-
nies of Quebec, East Florida, or West Florida, do presume,
on any pretext whatever, to grant warrants of survey, or pass
any patents for lands beyond the bounds of their respective
governments, as described in their commissions; as, also, that
no governor or commander-in-chief of our other colonies or
plantations in America do presume for the present, and until
our further pleasure be made known, to grant warrants of
survey, or pass patents for any lands, beyond the heads or
sources of any of the rivei's which fall into the Atlantic ocean
from the west or northwest; or upon any lands whatever,
which, not having been ceded to or purchased by us, as afore-
said, are reserved to said Indians or any of them.

" And we do further declare it to be our royal will and pleas-
ure, for the present, as aforesaid, to reserve under our sov-
ereignty, protection, and dominion, for the use of the said
Indians, all the land and territories not included within the
limits of our said three new governments, or within the
limits of the territory granted to the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany ; as also all the lands and territories lying to the west-
ward of the sources of the rivers which fall into the sea from
the west and northwest, as aforesaid ; and we do hereby strictly-
forbid, on pain of our displeasure, all our loving subjects from
making any purchases or settlements whatever, or taking-
possession of any lands above reserved, without our special
leave and license for that purpose first obtained.

"And we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons
whatever, who have either willfully or inadvertently seated
themselves upon any lands within the countries above de-
scribed, or upon any other lands, which, not having been
ceded to or purchased by us, are still reserved to the said
Indians, as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from
such settlements.

" And, whereas, great frauds and abuses have been com-
mitted in purchasing lands from the Indians, to the great
prejudice of our interests, and to the great dissatisfaction of
the Indians ; in order, therefore, to prevent such irregularities-

42 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

in the future, and to the end that the Indians may be con-
vinced of our justice, and determined resolution to remove all
reasonable cause of discontent, we do, with the advice of our
privy council, strictly enjoin and require that no private per-
son do presume to make any purchase from the said Indians,
or of any lands reserved to the said Indians, within these
parts of our said colonies where we have thought proper to
allow settlements ; but that, if at any time, any of the said
Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said lands, the
same shall be purchased only for us, in our name, at some
public meeting or assembly of the said Indians, to be held for
that purpose, by the governor or commander-in-chief of our
colony, respectively, within which they shall lie ; and in case
they shall be within the limits of any of the proprietaries,
conformable to such directions as we or they shall think
proper to give for that purpose ; and we do, by the advice of
our privy council, declare and enjoin that the trade with said
Indians shall be open to all of our subjects whatever: Pro-
mded, that every person who may incline to trade with said
Indians do take out a license for carrying on such trade, from
the governor or commander-in-chief of any of our colonies,
respectively, where such person may reside; and also give
security to observe such regulations as wo shall at any time
think fit, by ourselves, or commissioners to be appointed for
this purpose, to direct and appoint, for the benefit of the said
trade; and we do hereby authorize, enjoin, and require the
governors and commanders-in-chief of all our colonies, re-
spectively, as well those under our immediate government as
those under the direction and government of proprietaries, to
grant such licenses without fee or reward, taking especial
care to insert therein a condition that such license shall be
void, and the security forfeited, in case the person to whom
the same is granted, shall refuse or neglect to observe such
regulations as we shall think proper to prescribe as afore-
said."

In 1765, Col. Grogan, by an order from Sir William John-
son, descended the Ohio river to conciliate the Indians. He
was accompanied by deputies from the Senecas, Shawnees, and
Delawares. From the mouth of the "Wabash he proceeded

ODR INDIAN "WARDS. 4^

into the Illinois country, and then made his way to Niagara.
He failed to accomplish any thing. The Indians felt restless and
dissatisfied, since the prairies and valleys of which they had held
undisputed possession, were now claimed by the English on
the strength of a treaty of which they were ignorant. The
British were coming to take their country, and though protec-
tion was promised th«m from the incursion of white settlers,
they felt there was no confidence to be placed in these prom-
ises. And these fears were realized. Neither the governors
nor individuals regarded the warnings of the royal proclama-
tion or the promises made by Sir "William Johnson. Settlers
were crossing the mountains and entering the country in the
Northwestern Territory. Gen. Gage, the commander of the
king's forces, admonished the settlers in some sections that
they must remove, but they gave no heed to his admonition.
Many schemes for colonization were afloat, resulting in rivalry
among those engaged in them, and consequent disorder.

The Indians were anxious that a definite boundary line
should be established between them and the ITnglish. To this
end Sir William Johnson was authorized to treat with them.
The council for that purpose was held at Fort^StanwixJn-thfi
fall of 1768. Parties from. New Jersey, Virginia, and Penn-
sylvania were present. Sir William Johnson and his assist-
ants, accompanied by the agents of the traders who suffered
in the war which closed in 1763, were on hand, and the In-
dians were represented by deputies from the Six Nations, the
Delawares, and Shawnees only. The most important matter
was to determine the line which should separate the western
Indians from the English in all future time, and this line the
Indians claimed should be the Ohio river. A boundary line,
adopting the Ohio to its source from the mouth of the Ten-
nessee river, and from the source of the' Ohio up the Alle-
ghany to Kittanning, and thence across to the Susquehannah,
was adopted. Thus the country south of the Alleghany and east
of the Ohio was, by virtue of this treaty, regarded as belong-
ing to the British. But the Cherokee Indians claimed that
part south of the Kenhawa. Grants for the country were
speedily made. The work of settlement, which had been for
some time checked, began to revive, and it was but a short

44 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

time until scattering colonies were planted on tlie Ohio, in
Kentucky, and even in regions northwest of the Ohio. The
savages, of course, became dissatisfied, and this dissatisfaction
was cultivated by the French traders. Emigration continued,
and the best lands of the Indians were taken. Indians were
killed at various points along the Ohio river. Washington,
who had made a journey to the Ohio, noticed this dissatisfaction,
and recorded it in his journal in 1770. The elder Indians
urged their tribes to submit to what seemed inevitable, and
for a time their advice was not wholly lost, but hatred natu-
rally' filled the breasts of the natives, and the continued ag-
gressions upon them caused them to thirst for revenge.

It is needless to detail the events which followed, up to the
time of the rupture between the mother country and her col-
onies, culminating in the declaratipn of American independ-
ence. Suffice it to say that conflicts continued; and among
the incidents that served most to inflame the Indians was the
killing of the family of the chief Logan. By this act this
chief, who had been the friend, was made a deadly foe of
the white man.

In the latter part of tbe year 1775, and the first half of
1776, tbe Indians seemed to be inactive. Excursions against
those who were invading their hunting grounds nearly ceased.
They had not given up the contest ; but were preparing, in
connection with British agents in the liforthwest, to act
with energy against the colonists. It had been in contem-
plation, by both the English and the colonists, even before
the war of the Revolution, in the event of an open rupture,
to make use of the Indians in the struggle. The example
was set by the French and English in their war, and it was
generally held that such alliance was unavoidable. It is
charged that the English took the first step to enlist the In-
dians as allies in the war with the colonies. The first men-
tion of it by the colonists was in the address of the Massa-
chusetts congress, to the Iroquois, in 1775, in which it was
said they had heard that the British were inciting the
savages against the colonists; and they requested the Six
Nations to aid them or stand neutral. Later, in the same
jear, an agent from the Virginia house of burgesses visited

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 45

the western Indians, and, in a conncil with them, found that
Governor Carlton had heen there before him, and offered the
Indiana the alliance of England. Thus, it would seem that
both parties, even before the battle of Lexington, had sought
an alliance with the savages. The Congress of the United
Colonies, during the year 1775, advocated a policy that looked
chiefly to an effort to keep the Indians out of the contest en-
tirely ; but England, both by promises and threats, endeavored
to enlist them. In her efforts, in this respect, she had but
little success until her first victories in the north, and then the
Indians began to take her side. In 1778, Congress authorized
the employment of Indians in the service of the United
States. Some of our histories say that authority was given to
employ them in 1776, and that the commander-in-chief was au-
thorized to employ them in such service as he pleased, and to
offer them a bounty for prisoners taken by them. During the
war the English went further, and gave the Indians a
bounty for scalps. The northwestern Indians, angered by
the constant invasion of their country by hunters, chiefly
from Carolina and Yirginia, and being accessible to the En-
glish by the lakes, became enlisted in their behalf, and com-
mitted many atrocities, chiefly in Kentucky.

As the wai' progressed, great uneasiness was felt on the fron-
tiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, because of rumors of com-
ing troubles from the savages. The tribes nearest the Amer-
ican settlements were pressed upon by more distant bands.
Even the settlers on the Mohawk and Susquehannah were in
constant dread of incursions. The Shawnee chief. Cornstalk,
was a faithful friend of the colonists, and his voice and in-
fluence were for peace, and his efforts in that behalf were very
valuable. Cornstalk, owing to the confusion and trouble by
which he was surrounded, went across the Ohio river in 1777,
to talk matters over with the commander of a post at the mouth
of the Big Kenhawa. He was a man of great energy, cour-
age, and good sense, and very reliable. The Americans there,
believing that the Shawnees were inclined to unite with the
British, determined to retain him and Red Hawk, a subor-
dinate chief who was with him. Cornstalk talked freely of
the condition of affairs, and said to Captain Arbuckle, in

46 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

command, that unless he and his friends could have assurances
of protection from the " Long Knives," they might be com-
pelled " to go with the stream." This visit, made as a friend,
worked a different result from what he expected. They did
not permit him to depart. The day passed by, and on the
next morning an Indian on the opposite shore hailed the fort.
He was brought over, and was the son of Cornstalk, who was
anxious about his father, since he had not returned home. The
son was also secured as a hostage. A few days thereafter two
Indians, who were unknown to the whites, killed a white
hunter. The cry was instantly raised, " Kill the red dogs in
the fort." Arbuckle attempted, it is said, to prevent this, but
his life was threatened. The mob rushed to the fort where
the captive Indians were. Cornstalk met them at the en-
trance and was pierced by seven bullets. His son and Red
Hawk were also slain. Dodridge, in his Notes, says, "from
that hour peace was not to be hoped for."

About this time a congress of Indians was gathering at Ot-
sego, stimulated by the English, to arrange "to eat the flesh
and drink the blood of the Bostonians." Other atrocities on
the part of the whites were committed. All these occur-
rences aroused the savages, and then the settlers suffered in
return, in the loss of life and destrnctioa of property. Such
was their condition, by reason of the movements of the In-
dians, that their cornfields were not cultivated. The events
of this period were of the most touching character, and full
of thrilling incidents.

The oppressive acts of Great Britain anterior to the revolt
of the colonies, and preceding the odious stamp act, and the
feeling of discontent thereby produced, had induced that gov-
ernment to take preparatory steps to resist the outbreak which
seemed inevitable, and she had her emissaries among the sav-
ages, inciting them to take up arms. Indeed, it was appre-
hended that several tribes were then in a hostile attitude by
reason of the conduct of the troops, who were engaged in the

hostilities known in our colonial history as Dunmore's war. On
the first of June, 1775, a petition from the people of that part' of
Augusta county, Virginia, west of the Alleghany mountains, J I
was laid before the Continental Congress. The petitioners

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 47

expressed "fears of a rupture with the Indians, on account of
Lord Dunmore's conduct," and desired "commissioners from
the colony of Virginia and province of Pennsylvania, to at-
tend a meeting of the Indians at Pittsburg on behalf of these
colonies." On the 30th of the same month a number of let-
ters and speeches from the Stockbridge Indians were laid be-
fore the Congress and read, and the Committee on Indian Al-
fairs was directed to prepare, proper talks to the several tribes
of Indians, for engaging the continuance of their friendship
and neutrality in the existing unhappy dispute with Great
Britain. It was also resolved " that the securing and preserv-
ing of the friendship of the Indian nations appears to be a
subject of the utmost moment to these colonies; that there
was too much reason to apprehend that the British will spare
no pains to excite the several Indian nations to take up arms
against the colonies, and that it became them to be very ac-
tive and vigilant, in exercising every prudent means to
strengthen and confirm the friendly disposition toward the
colonies, among the northern tribes, which has so long pre-
vailed, and which has been lately manifested by some of those
to the southward." The Congress at the same time made pro-
vision for the appointment of boards of commissioners to
superintend Indian affairs in behalf of the colonies. It desig-
nated three Indian departments — the northern, southern, and
middle ; the first to embrace all the Six Nations, and all the
Indians northward of those; the second to extend so far
north as to include the Cherokees, and all the Indians south
of them; and the third to include the Indian nations that
lie between the other two departments. It gave authority
and power to the commissioners to treat with the Indians
in their respective departments, in the name and on behalf of
the colonies; the object being to preserve peace and friend-
ship with the Indians and to prevent their taking any part in
the present commotions. The commissioners were empow-
ered to seize any of the king's superintendents, their deputies
or agents, who were found stirring up or inciting the Indians
to become inimical to the colonies, and to keep them in safe
custody until such order is taken in the premises as to the
Congress may seem proper. Other powers and duties were

48 OUR INDIAN "WARDS.

conferred upon the commissioners, and money appropriated
to be expended by them in making treaties and supplying
presents to the Indians.

This was the first legislation of the Continental Congress
creating an official board to administer Indian affairs. During
the remainder of the year 1775, many resolves were adopted
by the Congress giving advice and aid to the Commissioners
of Indian Affairs in the several departments, and looking to
the securing of an alliance with the Indian nations. On the
27th of January, 1776, Congress —

"Hesolved, That in order to preserve the confidence and
friendship of the Indians, find to prevent their suffering for
want of the necessaries of life, a suitable assortment of In-
dian goods, to the amount of forty thousand pounds sterling,
be imported on account and risk of the United Colonies.

" That said goods, wben imported, be divided among the
different departments, in the following pi'oportions, viz : for
the northern department, comprehending Canada, thirteen
thousand three hundred and thirty-three pounds, six shillings
and eight pence sterling; for the middle department, the like
value; and the residue for the southern department.

" That in order to pay for the said goods, a quantity of pro-
duce of these colonies be exported to some foreign European
market, where it will sell to the best advantage.

" That the secret committee be empowered to contract with
proper persons for importing said goods, and for exporting
produce to pay for the same.

" That said goods, when imported, be delivered to the Com-
missioners of Indian AfEtiirs, for the respective departments,,
or their order, in the proportion before mentioned.

" That the respective commissioners, or such of them as can
conveniently assemble for that purpose, shall, as the goods
arrive, fix a price, adding to the first cost, interest, the charge
of insurance, and all other charges, and also a commission not
exceeding two and one-half per cent, on the first cost, for
their own care and trouble in receiving, storing, and selling
them to the Indian traders; but such commissioners as are
at the same time members of Congress shall not be burdened

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 4J>

with this part of the business, nor receive any part of the-
aforesaid commission.

" That no person shall be permitted to trade with the In-
dians without license from one or more of the commissioners
of each respective department.

"That all traders shall dispose of their goods at such started
reasonable prices as shall be fixed and ascertained by the
commissioners, or a majority of such as can conveniently as-
semble for that purpose, in each respective department, and
shall allow the Indians a reasonable price for their skins and
furs, and take no unjust advantage of their distress and in-
temperance; and to this end they shall respectively, upon
receiving their licenses, enter into bond to the commissioners,
for the use of the United Colonies, in such penalty as the act-
ing commissioners, or commissioner, shall think proper, con-
ditioned for the performance of the terms and regulations'
above prescribed.

" That to such licensed traders only, the respective commis-
sioners shall deliver the goods, so to be imported, in such pro-
portions as they shall judge will best promote a fair trade,,
and relieve the necessities of the Indians.

" That every trader on receiving the goods shall pay to the-
commissioners, in hand, the price at which they shall be esti-
mated ; and the commissioners shall, from time to time, as
the money shall come to their hands, transmit the same to
the Continental treasurers, deducting only the allowance for
their trouble, as aforesaid.

" That the trade with the Indian nations shall be carried
on at such posts and places only, as the commissioners for
each department shall respectively appoint.

"That these resolutions shall not be construed to prevent
or deter any private person from importing goods for the In-
dian trade, under the restrictions herein expressed."

On the 15th of February, 1776, the Congress—

" Besolved, That a friendly commerce between the people

of the United Colonies and the Indians, and the propagation

of the gospel and the cultivation of the civil arts among the

latter, may produce many and inestimable advantages to both^

4

50 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

and that the Commissioners of Indian Affairs be directed to
consider of proper places, in their respective departments, for
the residence of ministers and schoolmasters, and report the
same to Congress."

During the remainder of this year (1776) and through the
year 1777, many resolves were passed by the Congress, all
looking to the preservation of friendly intercourse with the
Indian nations. It was a period of deep solicitude, since
British agents and emissaries were at work among them,
striving to enlist them against the United States, in the war
then in progress. In the month of March, 177S, the Con-
gress —

"Resolved, That General Washington be empowered, if he
thinks it prudent aud proper, to employ in the service of the
United States a body of Indians, not exceeding four hun-
dred, aud that it be left to him to pursue such measures as he
judges best for procuring them, and to employ them, when
procured, in such way as will annoy the enemy, without suf-
fering them to injure those who are friends to the cause of
America."

At the same time the Congress —

" Resolved, That Brigadier Mcintosh be directed to assem-
ble at ForLPitt as many Continental troops and militia as
will amount to fifteen hundred, and proceed without delay to
destroy such towns of the hostile tribes as he, in his discre-
tion, shall think will most effectually tend to chastise and
terrify the savages, and to check their ravages on the frontiers
of these states."

The first of these resolutions was no doubt induced by the
fact, then notorious, that the British had Indians employed
in their military service ; while the second, levying troops to
destroy the towns of the hostile Indians, was prompted by the
incursion into Wyoming, by the Seneca Indians, " aided by
tories and other banditti," from the frontiers of New York,
l^evv Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and rumors that expeditions
of a like character were contemplated. The board of war
was directed to take prompt measures in the premises. Dur-
ing the progress of the struggle for independence, many of
the inhabitants of the colonies were tortured and killed by

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 51

"the Indians, and many Indians were killed by the whites, and
there was no time when there was not fear and apprehension
because of the temper of many of the Indian tribes, who,
-through the influence of British agents and emissaries, were
made actively hostile. Moreover, both parties had enlisted
them in the military service, and thus their savage propensi-
ties and love of war were cultivated, their passionate love of
strong drink gratified, and at the close of tbe contest the In-
dians generally were left in a very demoralized condition.

62 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

CHAPTER lY.

Events following the treaty of peace. — The effect upon the Indians. —
The frontier post.s rf.main in the hands of the British. — Complic.i"

TIONS RESULTINR THEREFROM. — MILITARY EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE IN-
DIANS. — Interview, at Niagara, between United States commission-
ers AND deputations FROM THE INDIAN NATIONS, ETC.

Among the pressing duties which forced themselves on the
Congress of the United States, at the close of the Revolu-
tionary war, none were more imperative than some satisfac-
tory adjustment with the Indian nations. Not long after the
cessation of hostilities, and the treaty of peace, the Congress,,
in May, 1783—

"Besolved, That the secretary of war take the most effective
measures to inform the several Indian nations on the frontiers
of the United States, that preliminary articles of peace have
been agreed on, and hostilities have ceased with Great Britain,,
and to communicate to them that the forts within the United
States, and in possession of the British troops, will speedily
be evacuated; intimating, also, that the United States are dis-
posed to enter into friendly treaty with the different tribes,
and to inform the hostile Indian nations that unless they im-
mediately cease all hostilities against the citizens of the United
States, and accept of these friendly proffers of peace. Congress
will take the most decided measures to compel them thereto."

When the treaty of Paris was concluded, in 1763, the French,
had not extinguished the Indian title to the lands in the west-
ern country, and, in fact, owned only a few small tracts about
her various forts situate therein. No transfer of territory
came from Pqntiac^swar, or from that of Uunmore. The
New York Indians, it is true, had, at the treaty "oTFort Stan-
wix, in 1763, ceded to the English their lands south of the
Ohio river. Hence, "when, at the close of the Hevolution,
in 1783, Great Britain made over her western lands to the
United States, she made over nothing more than she had re-
ceived from France, excepting the title of the Six Nations

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 53

aud the southern Indians to a portion of the territory south
of the Ohio river. But this was not the view that the Con-
gress of the United States took of the affair. This hody, it
would seem, conceived that it had, under the treaty with
England, a full right to all the lands embraced in the territory
thereby ceded, and, regarding the Indian title as forfeited by
the Hevolution, assumed that the government would not pur-
chase lands from the Indians, but grant them peace, and dic-
tate terms as to the boundary lines of territory allowed."

lu the treaty with the Delawares, in 1778 (the first formal
treaty made by the United States with any Indian tfibe), the
lands of the Indians are not referred to by any given bound-
aries. It was simply stated that the most practicable way for
the troops of the United States, to the posts and forts of the
British on the laises and other places, "is by passing through
the country of the Deiawares;" and the Indians agreed "to
give a free passage through their country to the troops afore-
said."

In 1782, the year before the treaty of peace, Congress had
under consideration a cession of land from the State of New
York to the United States, and the committee to whom the
subject was referred, on the first of May of that year, recom-
mended the acceptance of the cession, for the following
reasons :

"1. It clearly appeared to your committee that all the
lands belonging to the Six Nations of Indians and their tribu-
taries have been, in due form, put under the protection of the
crown of England, by the said Six Nations, as appendant to
the late government of the colony of New York, so far as re-
spects jurisdiction only.

" 2. That the citizens of the said colony of New York have
borne the burden, both as to blood and treasure, of protecting
and supporting the said Six Nations of Indians and their
tributariesffbr upward of one hundred years last past, as the
dependents and allies of the said government.

" 3. That the crown of England has always considered and
treated the country of the said Six Nations and their tribu-
^taries, inhabited as far as the forty-fifth degree of north lati-
tude, as appendant to the government of New York.

54 OUR INDIAN WARDS,

" 4. That the neighboring colonies of Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia have also,
from time to time, by their public acts, recognized and ad-
mitted the said Six ISTations and their tributaries to be ap-
pendant to the government of Few York.

" 5. That by Congress accepting this cession, the jurisdiction
of the whole western territory, belonging to the Six Nations
and their tributaries, will be vested in the United States,,
greatly to the advantage of the Union."

The committee of Congress assume, in their report, a right
in the Six Nations to lands in the western territory which had
no foundation in fact. The government commissroners, Oli-
ver Walcott, Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee, who made the-
treaty of the 22d of October, 1784, with the Six Nations, at
Fort Stanwix, certainly entertained no such opinion. The;
provisions of the treaty are sufficient evidence on this subject.
The first article gives peace to the Senecas, Mohawks, Onon-
dagas, and Cayugas, and the United States receives and
gives them protection on the following conditions : Six In-
dian hostages are to be given to the commissioners by the-
said Indians, to remain in possession of the United States, till
all the prisoners, white and black, which were taken by the
Senecas, in the late war, shall be given up ; and the Oneidas
and Tuscaroras are to be secured in the possession of the lands '
on which they are settled. The third article reads thus : '

" Art. 3. A line shall be drawn beginning at the mouth of ■
a creek about four miles east of Niagara, called Oyonwayea,/
or Johnson's landing place, upon the lake, named by the In-
dians Oswego, and by us Ontario; from thence southerly,,
always four miles east of the carrying path, between Lake
Erie and Ontario, to the mouth of Tehoreroran, or Buffalo
creek, on Lake Erie ; thence south to the north boundary of
the State of Pennsylvania, thence west to the end of the said
north boundary, thence south along the west boundary of said
state to the river Ohio, the said line, from the mouth of the-
Oyonwayea to the Ohio, shall be the western boundary of the
Six Nations ; that the Six Nations shall and do yield to th&
United States all claims to the country west of the said
boundary, and then they shall be secured in the peaceable-

OUE INDIAN WARDS. ' 55

possession of the lands they inhabit, east and north of the
same, reserving only six miles square round the Fort of Os-
wego to the United States, for the support of the same."

The fourth and last article of the treaty says that " the
commissioners, in consideration of the present circumstances
of the Six Nations, and in the execution of the humane and
liberal views of the United States, upon the signing of the
above articles, will order goods to be delivered to the said Six
Nations, for their use and comfort."

The Six Nations had, on many occasions previous to that
time, operated in Canada, and westward along the lakes;
they had driven the Hurons and other tribes infesting the
borders of the lakes before them; had made incursions to the
south and southwest on hostile expeditions; the French, on
divers occasions, had felt their power, and years before our
revolutionary period they had organized their confederacy,
and it was said that when the colonies were discussing the
matter of forming some sort of a league or union, the Iroquois
chiefs and orators held up their confederation as an example
for imitation.

It is not to be presumed that such a people, if they con-
sidered they had valid claims to such a vast country as the
western territory would yield all right to it, simply for a few
goods to be delivered to them for their use and comfort, at
the time of signing the Fort Stanwix treaty.

In the month of January, 1789, another treaty was made
with the Six Nations at Fort Harmer. Arthur St. Clair,
then governor of the Northwest Territory, was the commis-
sioner on the part of the United States. The Six Nations
(except the Mohawks, who did not attend) confirmed the
boundary line established' by the treaty of 1784, and gave a
release and quitclaim to all lands west of said boundary to
the United States, and the parties mutually pledged to each
other peace and friendship.

The original instructions for the government of the com-
missioners appointed in 1783, to make treaties with all the
Indian nations, provided for one convention with all the
tribes, but these were amended the following March, so as to
authorize treaties with tribes separately, as far as possible.

56 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

On the 21st of January, 1785, a treaty was made at Fort
Mclntosli, between the United States and the "Wyandots,
Delawaree, Chippewas, and Ottawas. George Rogers Clark,
Eichard Butler, and Arthur Lee represented the government.
The Indians agreed to give up all prisoners taken by them,
and acknowledged themselves and all their tribes to be under
the protection of the United States, and no other sovereign
whatever. The third article reads as follows :

"Art. 3. The boundary line between the United States and
the Wyandot and Delaware nations shall begin at the mouth of
the river Cuyahoga, and thence up said river to the portage
between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum;
thence down the said branch to the forks at the crossing
place above Fort Lawrence (Laurens), thence westwardly to
the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, at
the mouth of which branch the fort stood which was taken
by the French in 1752 ; thence along said portage to the
Great Miami, or Ome river (Maumee), and down the south-
east side of the same to its mouth ; thence along the south
shore of Lake Erie to the mouth of the Cuyahoga, where it
began."

By the fourth article all the lands contained within the
■said boundary lines were confirmed to the Wyandot and
Delaware nations, and to such of the Ottawas as live thereon,
saving and reserving for the establishment of trading posts
reservations of six miles square, at the mouth of the Miami,
or Ome (Maumee) river; at the portage on the branch of the
Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, and the same on the
lake at Sandusky, where the fort formerly stood, and two
miles square on each side of the lower rapids of Sandusky
river, " which posts and lands shall be to the use and under
the government of the United States." Reservations were
also excepted at the posts of Detroit and Michilimackinac.

The fifth article stipulates, that if any citizen of the United
States, or other person, not being an Indian, shall attempt to
settle on any of the lands allotted to the Wyandot and Dela-
ware nations, except the lauds reserved, " such persons shall
forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians
may punish him as they please." The Indians acknowledge

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 57

that the territory east, west, and south of the lines described
in the third article, so far as they formerly claimed the same,
belong to the United States, and none of their tribes shall
presume to settle upon the same.

On the 9th day of January, 1789, a treaty between the
United States, by Governor Arthur St. Clair, and the sachems
and warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa,
Pottawatomie, and Sac nations, was concluded, at Tort Harmer,
for removing all causes of controversy, regulating trade, and
settling boundaries. By this treaty the boundary line between
the United States and said Indian nations, as defined in the
treaty of Fort Mcintosh (January 21, 1785), was confirmed,
except as follows: In the boundary line from the portage to
that branch of the Miami river which runs into the lake, as
described in the Fort Mcintosh treaty, the words, if strictly
■construed, would carry the line over to the Auglaize, which
was neither the intention of the commissioners nor the Indians,
" therefore it is hereby declared that the line shall run fi-om
said j)ortage directly to the first fork of the Miami river, which
is to the southward and eastward of the Miami village, thence
down the main branch of the Miami to said village, thence
■down that river to Lake Erie, and along the margin thereof
to the place of beginning."

In consideration of former presents, and goods then deliv-
ered, the Indians renewed and confirmed the said boundary line,
to the end that the same may remain a division line between the
lands of the United States of America and the lands of said
Indian nations forever. And said Indians relinquished and
ceded to the United States all the land east, south, and west
-of the boundaries designated, so far as they formerly claimed
the same. The Indians are prohibited from disposing of their
lands to any sovereign power, except the United States. They
are to occupy their lands as they see fit, and are to be per-
mitted to hunt within the ceded territory, without hindrance
or molestation, so long as they demean themselves peaceably,
and otter no injury or annoyance to any of the subjects or
oitizens of the United States. They are to give up all pris-
oners, and all parties or persons committing murder or rob-
bery, either Indians or whites, are to be delivered up for trial

58 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

according to the laws of the territory ; and " if any person or
persons, citizens or subjects of the United States, or any other
person, not being an Indian, shall -presume to settle upon the
lands confirmed to the said nations, he and they shall be out
of the protection of the United States, and the Indian nations
may punish him or them in such manner as they see fit."

A separate treaty with the Shawanoe nation was entered
into on the northwest bank of the Ohio river, at the mouth
of the Great Miami river, on the 31st of January, 1786. In
it, the Indians acknowledged the United States to be the sole
and absolute sovereign of all the territory ceded to them by
the treaty of peace between them and the king of Great
Britain, which treaty was ratified January 14, 1784; and the
United States granted peace to the Shawanoe nation, and
agreed to receive the Indians into their friendship and pro-
tection.

Article sixth is in these words: "The United States do
allot to the Shawanoe nation lands within their territory, to-
live and hunt upon, beginning at the south line of the lands
allotted to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, at the place
where the main branch of the Great Miami river, which falls
into the Ohio, intersects said line; thence down the "river
Miami to the fork of that river next below the old fort which
was taken by the French in 1752 ; thence due west to the
river De la Pause ; thence down that river to the river "Wa-
bash, beyond which lines none of the citizens of the United
States shall settle, nor disturb the Shawanoes in their set-
tlements and possessions; and the Shawanoes do relinquish to-
the United States all title, or pretense of title, they ever had
to the lands east, west, and south of the east, west, and south
lines before described."

In the seventh and last article it is stipulated that " if any
citizen of the United States shall presume to settle upon the
lands allotted to the Shawanoes by this treaty, he or they shall
be put out of the protection of the United States."

By the terms of the treaty of peace, Great Britain was to
evacuate all the posts and forts held by her without delay.
From complications not then anticipated, she held the fron-
tier posts for a number of years. This fact left the impressioa

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 5&

among the Indians that the controversy was not yet closed,
and their minds were poisoned by those about the posts. The
British Indian superintendent, John Johnson, thus wrote to
Brant in 1787 :

" Do not suffer an idea to have a place in your mind that
it will be for your interest to sit still and see the Americans
attempt the posts. It is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely,
that we hold them. If you become indifferent about them,
they may, perhaps, be given up ; what security would you
have then ? You would be left at the mercy of a people
whose blood calls aloud for revenge ; whereas, by support-
ing them, you encourage us to hold them, and encourage the
new settlements, already considerable, and every day increas-
ing by numbers coming in who find they can not live in the
States. Many thousands are preparing to come in. This in-
crease of his majesty's subjects will serve as a protection to
you, should the subjects of the States, by endeavoring to
make further encroachments on you, disturb your quiet."
The same year the British commandant at Detroit wrote
Brant that the governor was sorry to learn " that while the
Indians were soliciting his assistance in their preparations for
war, some of the Six l^ations had sent deputies to Albany to-
treat with the Americans, who, it is said, have made a treaty
with them, granting permission to make roads for the pur-
pose of coming to Niagara; but that, notwithstanding these
things, the Indians should have their presents, as they
are marks of the king's approbation of their former conduct.
In future, his lordship wishes them to act as best for their
interests; he can not begin a war with the Americans, be-
cause some of their people encroach and make depredations
on part of the Indian country, but they must sec it is his
lordship's intention to defend the posts ; and that while these
are preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom,
and consequently the Americans have greater difliculty in
taking possession of their lands ; but should they (the Amer-
icans) once become masters of the posts, they will surround
the Indians, and accomplish their purpose with but little
trouble. From a consideration of all which it remains with
the Indians to decide what is most for their interest, and to let

60 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

his lordship know their determination, that he may take
measures accordingly ; but whatever their resolution is, it
should be taken as by one and the same people, by which
means they will be respected and become strong ; but if they
divide, and act one pai't against the other, they will become
weak, and help to destroy each other. This is a substance of
what his lordship desired me to tell you. . . . It is well
known that no encroachments ever have or ever will be made
by the English upon the lands or property of the Indians, in
consequence of possessing the posts. How far that will be
the case if ever the Americans get into them, may very easily
be imagined from their hostile perseverance, even without this
advantage, in driving the Indians off of their lands and tak-
ing possession of them."

The condition of things in the Western Territory at this
time — the intrusion of the whites and their trespassing on the
Indian lands and the conflicts that occurred — were well cal-
culated to and did prepare the minds of the Indians to receive
favorably the suggestions that came to them from the British
posts, and to attach them to the English. In view of exist-
ing facts, a military expedition was organized and placed un-
der the command of Gen. Harmer. lie penetrated the coun-
try to the Miami villages on the head-waters of the Maumee,
in 1790. He had two unimportant skirmishes with the In-
dians in the month of October, and destroyed several of their
towns, and about twenty thousand bushels of corn in the ear.
The Indians abandoned their villages before his army reached
them.

In 1791, by authority of the government, a body of mounted
volunteers was raised in Kentucky to operate against the
Indians on the "Wabash. Many Indians were killed, their
villages burned, and about four hundred acres of their corn
destroyed. Harmer did not reach the upper Indian towns on
tlie Wabash. The government had been for several years
impressed with a desire to establish a strong military post at
tlie junction of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's rivers, and
these expeditions were in some degree prompted by this
■desire.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 61

In the spring of the same year (1791) another expedition
was fitted out and placed under the command of Governor
Arthur St. Clair, who had been appointed a major-genei-al
in the United States army. In the instructions to St. Clair,
the secretary of war informed him that one object of the cam-
paign was to establish a strong and permanent military post
at the Miami village, and after the defeat of St. Clair, the
secretary, in his official report of the. affair, made December
26, 1751, said : " The great object of the campaign was to es-
tablish a strong military post at the Miami village." St..
Clair's army reached a stream which he supposed was the St.
Mary of the Maumee, but in fact a branch of the "Wabash,
on the 3d of November, 1791. At this point, which he sup-
posed to be about fifteen miles from the village, he deter-
mined to throw up a slight work in which to deposit the
men's knapsacks and all else not of absolute necessity, and
then to have moved on " to attack the enemy as soon as the-
first regiment came up ; " but he was not allowed to do either,
since on the 4th, about half an hour before sunrise, and when
the men had just been dismissed from the morning parade,
St. Clair reported that " an attack was made upon the militia.
These gave way in a very little time and rushed into camp
(through Major Butler's battalion which, together with a
part of Clark's, they threw into considerable disorder,,
and which, notwithstanding the exertions of both these offi-
cers, was never altogether remedied). The fire, however, of
the front line checked the Indians; but, almost instantly, a
very severe attack began upon that line, and in a few minutes
it was likewise extended to the second. The great weight of
it was directed against the center of each, where the artillery
was placed, and from which the men were repeatedly driven
with great slaughter." The conflict was terrible. The artil-
lery was silenced, every officer but one being killed. Every
officer of the second regiment except three fell, and more than
one-half of the army was destroyed. The remnant made an
effort to regain the road, which done " the militia took along
it, followed by the troops." In his report of this unhappy
affair, St. Clair said: "The retreat, in those circumstances
was, as you may be sure, a precipitate one. It was in fact a..

62 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

flight. The camp and the artillery were abandoned, but that
was unavoidable, for not a horse was left alive to have drawn
it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But the most dis-
graceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the
men threw away their arms and accouterments, even after the
pursuit, which continued about four miles, had ceased. I
found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not
able to remedy it, for having had all my horses killed, and
being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a
walk, I could not get forward myself; and the orders I sent
forward, either to halt the front or to prevent the men from
parting with their arms, were unattended to. The flight con-
tinued to Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles, which was
reached a little after sun-setting." Out of an army of four-
teen hundred men, the killed and wounded amounted to eight
hundred and ninety, in an attempt " to establish a strong mili-
tary post at the Miami village," which " was the great object
of the campaign." Other forts were contemplated in addi-
tion to this one, connecting it with Fort "Washington, on the
Ohio. Before St. Clair set out, he was advised by the sec-
retary of war that the establishment of a fort at the Miami
village "is considered an important object of the campaign,
and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous
treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated upon this point, if
possible, and it is presumed good arguments may be offered
to induce their acquiescence." "When we remember that Gov-
ernor St. Clair was the United States commissioner and party
to the treaty of Fort Harmer, made January 9, 1789, less than
three years before the overwhelming defeat of his army, and
by that treaty a line was established to be and remain " a di-
vision line between the lands of the United States and the
lands of said Indian nations forever" and that the village was
in the territory confirmed to the Indian nations forever, by
the treaty, with assurances that "if any person or persons,
citizens or subjects of the United States, or any person not
being an Indian, shall presume to settle upon the lands con-
firmed to the said nations, he and they shall be out of the
protection of the United States, and the said Indian nations
lit ay punish him or them in such manner as they see Jit" there

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 63

appears to be in this sad tragedy matter for the most serious
reflection. Various tracts of land were, by the treaty, re-
served for posts and forts, but there is no provision for any
reservation at the Miami village, for any purpose whatever,
notwithstanding the existence of the village was known be-
fore the treaty was made, and in fact is specifically referred to
in the treaty.

Before St. Clair's army set out on its ill-fated expedition, a
talk was sent to various Indian nations, inviting them to a
peace conference, proposed to be held with them, at the rapids
of the Maumee. Subsequently, the place of meeting was
chai^iged to Sandusky. Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Randolph,
and Timothy Pickering were appointed commissioners. When
these gentlemen were at Niagara, the guests of Governor
Simcoe, the Mohawk chief. Brant; with some fifty other In-
dian deputies, who came from the Maumee, called on them,
and, through Brant, in the presence of the governor, thus ad-
dressed them :

" Brothers : We have met to-day our brothers, the Bos-
tonians and the English ; we are glad to have the meeting,
and think' that it is by appointment of the Great Spirit.
Brothers of the United States : We told you the other day,
at Fort' Erie, that, at another time, we would inform you why
we had not assembled at the time .and place appointed for
holding the treaty with you. We now inform you that it was
because there was so much of the appearance of war in that
quarter. Brothers : We have given the reasons for our not
meeting you ; and now we request an explanation of those
warlike appearances. Brothers : The people you see here are
sent to represent the Indian nations who own the land north
of the Ohio as their common property, and who are all of one
mind, one heart. Brothers : We have come to speak to you
for two reasons — one, because your warriors, being in our
neighborhood, have prevented aurmeeting at the appointed
place ; the other, to know if you are properly authorized to
run and establish a new bouhdary line between the lands of
the United States and the Indian nations ? We are still de-
sirous of meeting you at the appointed place. Brothers : We
wish you to deliberate well on this business. We have spoken

64 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

our Bentiments in sincerity, considering ourselves in the pres-
ence of the G-reat Spirit, from whom, in time of danger, we
expect assistance."

On the succeeding day, the commissioners made the follow-
ing replj' :

" Brothers: You have mentioned two objects of your com--
ing to meet us at this place. One, to obtain an explanation
of the warlike appearances on the part of the United States,,
on the northwestern side of the Ohio ; the other, whether we
have authority to run and establish a new boundary line be-
tween your lands and ours. Brothers : On the first point, we-
can not but express our regret that any reports of warlike
ajjpearances on the part of the United States should have de-
layed our meeting at Sandusky. The nature o.f the case
irresistibly forbids all apprehensions of any hostile incursions-
into the Indian country north of the Ohio, during the treaty
at Sandusky. Brothers : We are deputed by the Great Chief
and the Great Council of the United States to treat with you
of peace ; and is it possible that the same Great Chief and liia
Great Council could order their warriors to make fresh war,
while we were sitting round the same fire with you, in order to-
make peace? Is it possible that our Great Chief and his
Great Council would act so deceitfully toward us, their com-
missioners, as well as toward you? Brothers : We think it
not possible ; but Ave will quit arguments, and come to facts-
Brothers : We assure you that our Great Chief, General Wash-
ington, has strictly forbidden all hostilities against you, until
the event of the proposed treaty at Sandusky shall be known-
Here is the proclamation of his head warrior. General Wayne,,
to that effect. But, brothers, our Great Chief is so sincere in
his professions for peace, and so desirous for preventing every
thing which would obstruct the treaty and prolong the war,
that besides giving the above order to his head warrior, he
has informed the governors of the several states adjoining'the
Ohio, of the treaty proposed to be held at Sandusky, and do-
sired them to unite their power with his to prevent any hostile
attempts against the Indians north of the Ohio, until the result
of the treaty is made known. These governors have accord-
ingly issued their orders strictly forbidding all such hostilities.

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 65

The proclamations of the governors of Virginia and Pennsyl-
vania, we have here in our hands. Brothers : If, after all
these precautions of our Great Chief, any hostilities should be
committed north of the OMo, they must proceed from a few
disorderly people, whom no considerations of public good can
restrain. But we hope and believe that none such can be
found.

" Brothers: After these explanations, we hope you will pos-
sess your minds in peace, relying on the good faith of the
United States that no injury is to be apprehended by you
during the treaty. Brothers: We now come to the second
point : Whether we are authorized to run and establish a new
boundary line between your lands and ours. Brothers : We
answer explicitly that we have that authority. Where this
line should run, will be the great subject of discussion at
the treaty between you and us ; and we sincerely hope and
expect that it will then be fixed to the satisfaction of both
parties. Doubtless some concessions must be made on both
sides. In all disputes and quarrels both parties usually take
some wrong steps ; so that it is only by mutual concessions
that a true reconciliation can be effected. Brothers : We wish
you to understand us clearly on this head ; for we mean that
all our proceedings shall be made with candor. We there-
fore repeat, and say explicitly, that some concessions will be
necessary on your part as well as on ours, in order to es-
tablish a just and permanent peace. After this great point
of the boundary shall be fully considered at the treaty, we
shall know what concessions and stipulations it will be proper
to make, on the part of the United States; and we trust
they will be such as the world will pronounce reasonable and
just. Brothers: You told us you represented the nations of
Indians who owned the lands north of the Ohio, and whose
chiefs are assembled at the rapids of the Maumee. Brothers :
It would be a satisfaction for us to be informed of the names
of those nations, and of the number of chiefs of each so as-
sembled. Brothers: We once more turn our eyes to your
representation of warlike appearances in our country. To
give you complete satisfaction on this point, we now assure
5

66 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

you that as soon as our council at this place is ended we will
send a messenger on horseback to the great chief of the
TJnited States, requesting him to renew, and strongly repeat,
his orders to his head warrior, not only to abstain from all
hostilities against you, but to remain quietly at his post until
the event of the treaty shall be known."

Much more was said by the commissioners, which may be
omitted in this connection, since in the communcation of the
Indians, in reply to the speech of the commissioners, the
former have embodied the most important statements of the
latter, with their comments on them. In reply to the inquiry
of the commissioners, as to the tribes then at the rapids.
Brant said : "Yesterday you expressed a wish to be informed
of the names of the nations, and number of chiefs, assembled
at the Maumee; but, as they were daily coming in, we can not
give you exact information. You will see for yourself in a
few days. When we left it the following nations were there,
to wit: Five N"ations, Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoes,
Munsees, Miamies, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Nan-
tikokies, Mingoes, Cherokces. The principal men of them
were there. "

The reader will remember that the treaty of Fort Mcin-
tosh, made January 21, 1785, was with the Wyandot, Dela-
ware, Chippewa, and Ottawa nations only; and St. Clair's
treaty, of January 9, 1789, was with the above named and
the Pottawatomies and Sac nations only. The Miami, Kick-
apoo, Eel River, Wea, Piankashaw, Kaskaskia, and other
tribes northwest of the Ohio river, had no lot or part in
either. The St. Clair, or Harmer treaty, was made about
eighteen months after the adoption of the ordinance of 1787.
In that ordinance the following provision is found: "The ut-
most good faith shall always be observed toward the Indians ;
their lands and property shall never be taken from them with-
out their consent ; and in their property, rights, and liberty
they shall never be invaded or disturbed unless in just and
lawful wars, authorized by Congress; but laws, founded in
justice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made for
preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving
peace and friendship with them."

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 67

The talk of the United States commissioners, in reply to
the speech of Brant and his associates, at the Niagara meet-
ing, was made in July, 1793. The final reply to this talk was
adopted in a general council of the confederate Indian na-
tions, held at the foot of the rapids of the Maumee, on the
13th of August, 1793. Its importance will he perceived on
the perusal of the document itself. It is as follows :
" To THE Commissioners of the United States :

" Brothers : We have received your speech, dated the 31st
-of last month, and it has been interpreted to all the different
nations. We have been long in sending you an answer, be-
cause of the great importance of the subject. But we now
answer it fully, having given it all the consideration in our
power.

"Brothers: You tell us that after you had made peace with
the king, our father, about tea years ago, ' it remained to
make peace between the United States and the Indian na-
tions who had taken part with the king. For this purpose
•commissioners were appointed, who sent messengers to all
those Indian nations, inviting them to come and make peace ;'
-and after reciting the periods at which you say treaties were
held at Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh, and Miami, all wliich
treaties, according to your owrTacknowledgment, were for the
sole purpose of making peace, you then say : ' Brothers: The
commissioners who conducted these treaties in behalf of the
United States, sent the papers containing them to the general
council of the States, who supposing them satisfactory to the
natives treated with, proceeded to dispose of the lands thereby
ceded.'

" Brothers : This is telling us plainly what we always un-
derstood to be the case, and it agrees with the declarations of
those few who attended those treaties, viz : that they went to
your commissioners to make peace, but through fear were
obliged to sign any paper that was laid before them ; and it
has since appeared that deeds of cession were signed by them,
instead of treaties of peace.

" Brothers : You then say, ' after some time it appears that
people in your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of
Fort Mcintosh and Miami; therefore, the council of the

68 OUK INDIAN WARDS.

United States appointed Governor St. Clair their commis-
sioner, with full power, for the purpose of removing all causes
of controversy, relating to trade and settling boundaries be-
tween the Indian nations in the northern department of the
United States. He accordingly sent messengers inviting all
the nations concerned to meet him at a council lire to be
kindled at the falls of the Muskingum. While he was wait-
ing for them some mischief happened at that place, and the
fire was put out; so he kindled a council fire at Fort Harmer,
where nearly six hundred Indians of difierent nations at-
tended. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the
treaty of Fort Stanwix ; and the Wyandots and Delawares
renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh; some
Ottavvas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies, and Sacs were also par-
ties to the treaty of Fort Harmer.' Now, brothers, these are
your words, and it is necessary for us to make a short reply
to them.

" Brothers : A general council of all the Indian confederacy
was held, as you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at
this place; and that general council was invited by your com-
missioner, Governor St. Clair, to meet him for the purpose of
holding a treaty, with regard to the lands mentioned by you.
to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Sfanwix and Fort
Mcintosh.

" Brothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters-
which passed on that occasion, between those deputed by the
confederated Indians and Governor St. Clair, the commis-
sioner of the United States. These papers prove that your
said commissioner, in the beginning of the year 1789, and
after having been informed by the general council of the pre-
ceding fall, that no bargain or sale for any part of these In-
dian lands would be considered as valid or binding, unless
agreed to by a general council, nevertheless, persisted in col-
lecting together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and
with them held a treaty for the cession of an immense coun-
try, in which they were no more interested than as a branch
of the general confederacy, and who were in no manner
aothorized to make any grant or concession whatever.

"Brothers: How, then, was it possible for you to expect to

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 69

enjoy peace, and quietly to hold these lands, when your com-
missioner was informed long before he had the treaty of Fort
Harmer, that the consent of a general council was absolutely
necessary to convey any part of these lands to the United
States? The part of these lands which the United States
now wish us to relinquish, and which you say are settled,
have been sold by the United States since that time.

"Brothers: You say 'the United States wish to have ' con-
firmed all the lands ceded to them by the treaty of Fort Har-
mer, and also a small tract at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed
by General Clark, for the use of himself and his warriors.
And in consideration thereof, the United States would give
such a large sum of money or goods, as was never given at
any one time, for any quantity of Indian lands, since the
white people first set their feet on this island. And because
these lands did every year furnish you with skins and furs,
with which you bought clothing and other necessaries, the
United States will now furnish the like constant supplies.
And, therefore, beside the great sum to be delivered at once,
they will every year deliver you a large quantity of goods, as
are best fitted to the wants of yourselves and your women
and children.'

"Brothers: Money to us is of no value, and to most of us
unknown; and as no consideration whatever can induce us to
sell our lands on which we get sustenance for our women and
children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode by
which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace thereby
obtained.

"Brothers: We know that these settlers are poor, or they
never would have ventured to live in a country which has
been in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio.
Divide, therefore, this large sum of money, which you have
ofifered to us, among these people. Give to each, also, a pro-
portion of what you say you would give to us, annually, over
and above this large sura of money ; and as we are persuaded,
they would most readily accept of it, in lieu of the land you
sold them. If you add, also, the great sums you must ex-
pend in raising and paying armies, with a view to force us to
yield our country, you will certainly have more than sufficient

70 OTJR INDIAN" WARDS.

for the purpose of repaying these settlers, for all their labor
and all their improvements.

^^ Brothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It
appears strange that you should expect any from us, who
have only been defending our just rights, against your inva-
sions. We want peace. Restore to us our country, and we
shall be enemies no longer.

"Brothers: You make one concession to us by offering us
your money, and another by having agreed to do us justice,
after having long and injuriously withheld it; we mean in
the acknowledgment you have made, that the king of England
never did, nor never had a right to give you our country, by
the treaty of peace. And you want to make this act of com-
mon justice a great part of your concessions; and seem to
expect that, because you have at last acknowledged our inde-
pendence, we should, for such a favor, surrender to you our
country.

'^Brothers: You have talked, also, a great deal about pre-
emption, and your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands,
as ceded to you by the king, at the treaty of peace.

" Brothers : We never made any agreement with the king,
nor with any other nation, that we would give to either the
exclusive right of purchasing our lands ; and we declare to
you that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or
cession of lands, whenever and to whomsoever we please. If
the white people, as you say, made a treaty tliat none of them
but the king should purchase of us, and that he has given
that right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns
you and him, and not us ; we have never parted with such a
power.

''Brothers: At our general council held at the Glaize last
fall, we agreed to meet commissioners from the United States,
for the purpose of restoring peace, provided they consented
to acknowledge and confirm our boundary line to the Ohio,
and we determined not to meet you until you gave us satis-
faction on that point ; that is the reason we have never met.

" We desire you to consider, brothers, that our only de-
mand is the peaceable possession of a small part of our once
great country. Look back and review the landg from whence

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 7!

■we have been driven to this spot. "We can retreat no farther,
because the country behind us barely affords food for its in-
habitants ; and we have, therefore, resolved to leave our bones
in this small space to which we are now confined.

"Brothers: "We shall be persuaded that you mean to do ua
justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundtiry
line between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meet-
ing Avill be altogether unnecessary. This is the great point,
which we hoped would have been explained before you left
your homes, as our message, last fall, was principally directed
to obtain that information. Done in general council, at the
foot of the Maumee rapids, the 13th day of August, 1793."

This document was signed by the deputies of the nations
who were in the general council that adopted it. They were
the Wyandots, Miamis, Monhicans, Seven Nations of Canada,
Ottawas, Connoys, Pottawatomies, Messagoes, Delawares,
Senecas of the Glaize, Chippewas, ]S"antakokies, Sbawanoes,
Munsees, Creeks, and Cherokees. To it, the United States
commissioners made no reply. Indeed, they could not, since
the most telling points in it could not be controverted. The
government was extremely anxious to compose existing diffi-
culties, and was disposed to be liberal in the terms of accom-
modation, provided the promises its commissioners were pre-
pared to make should, in the event of a treaty, be carried out.
The Indians, however, smarting under the wrongs they had
suffered, and, no doubt, prompted by the enemies of the
United States, ^and believing, as they did, that such a natural
boundary line as the Ohio river was absolutely necessary to
be established between their lands and those of the whites,
made it the sine qua non to any treaty arrangements, and thus
staked their very existence upon a contest which must inevi-
tably follow; for, in the condition of afl'airs as they then
were, the settlements already made by the whites northwest
of the Ohio rendered it impossible to conclude a treaty with
that river as the boundary line, and hence there seemed to be
no al'.ernativc but a resort to arms, to settle the pending dif-
ficulty. Antei'ior to the first expedition, under Harmer, doubts
were expressed by "Washington as to the^justice as well as
the policy of offensive operations against the Indian tribes iu^

72 OUE INDIAN WAEDS.

the K'orthwest Territory. If, at an earlier day, and before
any settlements were made in the Western Territory, the gov-
ernment had operated through commissioners of high char-
acter, proper arrangements might probably have been made
with the Indian nations for the occupation of a portion of the
country by the white people, and thus much of the suffering,
and many of the terrible events which make such sad chap-
ters in our early annals, might have been averted. In con-
templating these events, it is only natural that our sympathies
become deeply enlisted in behalf of those of our own race
who struggled and suifered, and even met death, in the con-
flict to open up the wilderness and found new states ; but we
should not forget that the red man, whom our fathers found
here, had his sufferings and trials also. He had not the
means to write and publish them as they occurred, but suffi-
cient is known to command for the Indian race our sincere
sympathy.

It can not be denied that the invasion and occupation of
the territory northwest of the Ohio river was made anterior
to any arnangement with the natives for that purpose. Had
the lodian nations been civilized communities of our own
race, but subjects or citizens of a foreign state, mankind
would have admitted the justice of their cause, and such an
address from them as the one sent by the confederate tribes
to the United States commissioners, on the 13th of August,
1793, would have taken rank with the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. Being " savages," the arguments and facts pre-
sented by them to our commissioners were not answered and
refuted, but, by military power, the Indians were confronted,
and, being unable to make successful resistance, the red men
were compelled to yield the boundary they had contended
for, and submit to irresistible force.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 73

CHAPTER V.

St. Clair's defeat communicated to Congress. — Akothbe campaign pro-
jected. — Gen. Wayne assigned to command it. — The Indians defeated.
— Treaty op Greenville. — A boundary or division line adopted. —
More territory demanded prom the Indians. — Subsequent treaties and
their effect. — Rupture between Tecumseh and Gen. Harrison. — Bat-
tle OP Tippecanoe. — Tecumseh joins the British, and is killed at the
battle op the Thames, etc.

On the 9th of N'ovember, 1791, General St. Clair made re-
port to the secretary of war, communicating the sad disaster
that befell his army on the 4th of the month. On the 12th of
December of the same year, the information was communi-
cated to Congress, and on the 26th of December, the secre-
tary submitted to the president a communication, in which
suggestions and recommendations were made as to future
operations. After discussing the yiolicy of the government
toward the Indians, the futility, in his opinion, of all attempts
to preserve peace, and the justice of the claim of the United
States, he says : " Hence it would appear the principles of
justice as well as policy, and it may be added the principles
of economy, all combine to dictate that an adequate military
force should be raised as soon as possible, placed upon the
frontiers, and disciplined according to the nature of the ser-
vice, and, in order to meet with the prospect of success, the
greatest possible combination of the Indian enemy." The
secretary recommended while this army was being organized
the temporary employment of mounted volunteers, such as
had in the border wars given fame to Kentucky, to operate
in a desultory way against the Indians, thus occupying them
in the protection of their own families and preventing " them
iVora spreading terror and destruction along the frontiers."
He further suggested " the expediency of employing tlie In-
dians in alliance with us. against' the hostile Indians. The
justice of engaging them (he said) will depend upon the jus-
itice of the war. If the war be just upon our part, it will

74 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

certainly bear the test of examination to use the same sort of"
means in our defense as are used against us." In bis official
report of St. Clair's defeat to Congress, the secretary said that
" the great object of the campaign was to establish a strong
military post at the Miami village, which was to be connected
by posts to Fort Washington and the Oliio." The reply of
the confederate Indian'nations from their general council at
the foot of the rapids of the Maumee, to our commissioners,
was : " Restore to us our country, and we shall be enemies no
longer." However imperative the necessity for some military
operations for the protection of the settlers in the Western'
Territory, at the time, it is difficult to see how the war could
be called a just war. However, after the defeat of St. Clair,
another and more formidable military expedition was a fore-
gone conclusion. St. Clair resigned, and his place was sup-
plied by the appointment of Anthony Wayne, who, in June,

1792, moved westward, making Pittsburgh, for a time, his
headquarters, where he commenced organizing an army which,
it was said, ",was to be the ultimate argument of the Americans-
with the Indian Confederation." While Wayne was organiz-
ing and drilling his troops, which he denominated the Legion
of the United States, Gen. Washington had instructed peace
talks to be sent among the Indian nations. In the spring of

1793, Wayne's army arrived at Fort Washington (near Cincin-
nati), and remained there until after the rejection by the Indian
Confederation of the propositions made by our commissioners
for a treaty. Early in October, 1793, he moved from Cincin-
nati ; and on the 25th of the month a portion of his army oc-
cupied the field of St. Clair's defeat. Here he immediately
erected a fort, called Recovery, which was garrisoned and
placed under a proper commander. On this field were found
about six hundred human skulls, which were gathered up and
buried. One of the officers wrote: " When we went to lay
down in our tents at night, we had to scrape the bones together
and carry them out." These were the sad memorials of the
conflict between St. Clair's troops and the Indians. At this
period the British were stimulating the Indians, and promis-
ing them assistance. Some Pottawatomie Indians told Wayne
that Governor Simcoe was stimulating and urging the In-

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 75

dians to war ; that the speeches they " received from him were
as red as blood ; all the wampum and feathers were painted
red, and even the tobacco was painted red." Wayne himself
remained at Greenville during the winter and spring. On the
30th of June, 1794, Fort Recovery was attacked by a large
Indian force under the chief Little Turtle, who was the success-
ful commander in the battle with St. Clair's troops. It was
supposed that when he attacked Wayne's troops that he had
from ten to fifteen hundred men, not all, however, Indians.
He was repulsed. On the 26th of July, Wayne was joined
by about sixteen hundred mounted volunteers from Kentucky.
On the 8th of August, his army was at Grand Glaize, and pro-
ceeded to build Fort Defiance. The Indians, on hearing of
Wayne's movements, abandoned their towns before he reached
the Glaize. While engaged on Fort Defiance, Wayne re-
ceived full information as to the strength of the Indians, the
probable aid they would get from Detroit, and all cir-
cumstances necessary to be known, and decided to march for-
ward without delay. Before doing this, however, he sent out
a message to the Indians for compromise and peace, by a man
named Miller, who had lived among the Shawanoes, and who
had but recently been taken prisoner by one of Wayne's spies.
He addressed this message : " To the Delawares, Shawanoes,
Miamis, and Wyandots, and to each and every of them, and
to all other Indian nations, northwest of the Ohio, whom it
may concern. As commander-in-chief of the army and
commissioner plenipotentiary of the United States of Amer-
ica, for settling the terms upon which a permanent and lasting
peace shall be made with each and every of the hostile In-
dians northwest of the Ohio," he assured them that he was
actuated by the purest principles of humanity, and urged by
pity for the errors into which bad and designing men had led
them, he once more from the head of his army extended the
friendly hand of peace toward them, and invited them to ap-
point deputies to meet him without delay, on his march, to set-
tle the preliminaries of a lasting feace, which would eventually
and soon restore to them, " the Delawares, Miamis, Shawa-
noes, and all other tribes and nations lately settled on the
margins of the Miami of the Lake and Auglaize rivers, your

76 OUR INDIAN" WARDS.

late grounds and possessions, and preserve you and your dis-
tressed and helpless women and children from danger and
famine during the present fall and ensuing winter." He as-
sured them that the arm of the United States was strong and
powerful, but they loved mercy and kindness more than war
and desolation. He pledged his honor for the safe return of
any deputies they might appoint to meet him. Miller started
with this message on the 13th of April, 1794, and, not having
returned on the 15th, Wayne, on the 16th, put his army in
motion, and on that day met Miller on his way back, with a
message from the Indians, who desired Wayne to remain ten
days at the Glaize, and in the meantime they would decide
for peace or war. To ttis he made no reply, but kept his
army moving forward. After proceeding about five miles, his
advance received a severe fire from the Indians, who were se-
creted in the woods and high grass. The savages were
formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each
other, and extending for near two miles at right angles with
the river. They were in full force and in possession of their
favorite ground. The battle was pressed with vigor, but an
impetuous charge by the troops drove the savages and some
Canadian militia, who were in the action, from their coverts
in a short time. It was supposed the Indians and their allies
numbered two thousand. Wayne's force engaged in the affair
was less than that. Indeed, it is said it did not much exceed
one thousand, but it was skillfully handled. The Indians
were put to the rout, and took to flight, leaving Wayne's
legion in full possession of the field. Every officer, from the
generals down to the ensigns, received the commendation of
the commander. The woods were strewn for a considerable
distance with the dead bodies of Indians and their white
auxiliaries, the latter armed with British muskets and bayo-
nets. The army remained for three days on the banks of the
Maumee, during which time all the houses of the Indians
were consumed by fire, and the corn-fields destroyed for a con-
siderable distance both above and below Fort Miami. Even
within pistol-shot of the British garrison, at that place, the
inmates were compelled to remain tacit spectators of the gen-
eral conflagration and devastation. The houses, stores, and

OUR INDIA.N WARDS. 77

property of the British Indian agent, Col. McKee, a principal
stimulator of the Indians to war, were destroyed.

The army returned by easy marches to Fort Defiance, lay-
ing waste the villages and corn-fields of the Indians on each
side of the Maumee for a distance of fifty miles. From
thence Wayne reported the result of his campaign, and said,
" there remains yet a great number of villages and a great
quantity of corn to be consumed and destroyed upon the
Auglaize and the Maumee, above this place, which will Be
effected in a few days." Wayne remained at Fort Defiance
until the 14th of September, when he set out for the Miami
village, at the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Mary, to
build the fortress which he called Fort Wayne. This was
completed October 22, 1794. There was much sickness
among the troops during this time, and they were short of
rations. On the 28th of October the legion began its return
march to Greenville. Here the volunteers were mustered
out. The British agents and officials continued, after the
army left the Maumee, to tamper with the Indians in order
to induce them to abstaiti from any treaty arrangements with
General Wayne. A Canadian who had purchased three
American prisoners from the Indians, came to Fort Wayne
to exchange them for some of his relatives, and while there
stated that Governor Simcoe, Colonel McKee, and Captain
Brant arrived at Fort Miami on the 30th ult. (September.)
Brant had with him one hundred Mohawks and Massagoes.
Governor Simcoe sent for the chiefs of the different hostile
Indians, and invited them to meet him at the mouth of the
Detroit river to hold a treaty. Simcoe, Colonel McKee, and
Captain Brant, together with Blue Jacket, BuckengaleS;
Little Turtle, Captain Johnny, and other chiefs of the Dela-
.wares, Miamis, Shawanoes, Torwas, and Pottawatomies, set
out accordingly for the place assigned for the treaty, about
the first of October. The Indians, he said, were well and
regularly supplied with ' provisions from the British maga-
zines, at a place called Swan Creek, near the lake.

General Wayne learned from some friendly Wyandots, that
on the 10th of October the Indians met the British at the Big
Eock, and were advised that their griefs were laid before the

78 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

king, and Governor Simcoe insisted that they should not
listen to any terms of peace from the Americans, but to pro-
pose a truce or suspension of hostilities until spring, when a
grand council or assemblage of all the warriors and tribes of
Indians should take place, for the purpose of compelling the
Americans to cross to the east side of the Ohio, and in the in-
terim advise every nation to sign a deed of conveyance of all
their lands on the west side of the Ohio to the king, in trust for
the Indians, so as to give the British a pretext or color for as-
sisting them, in case the Americans refused to abandon all their
posts and possessions on the west side of the Ohio river, and
which the Indians should warn them to do immediately after
they were assembled in force in the spring; and to call upon
the British to guarantee the lands thus ceded in trust, and to
make a general attack on the frontiers at the same time ; that
the British would be prepared to attack the Americans also, in
every quarter, and would compel them to cross the Ohio, and
^ive up the lands to the Indians. Captain Brant also told
them to keep a good heart and be strong ; to do as their
father advised ; that he would return home for the present
with his warriors and come again early in the spring, with an
additional number, so as to have the whole summer before them
to tight, kill, and pursue the Americans, who could not pos-
sibly stand against the force and numbers that would be op-
posed to them ; that he had been always successful and would
insure them victory ; that he would not attack the Americans
at this time, as it would only put them on their guard, and
bring them upon the Indians in this quarter during the
winter. Therefore, he advised the Indians to amuse the
Americans with a prospect of peace, until they should collect
in force to fall upon them early in the spring, and when least
expected.

At this time the Indians were in a pitiable condition. The
crops and dwellings of all who lived in the Maumee and Au-
glaize valleys had been destroyed. They were in a strait for
subsistence. Whether the whites were subjects of Great
Britain or citizens of the United States, their treatment of
the red men was not such as to induce them to place im-
plicit confidence in their promises. They were, however,

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 79

aware that by the treaty of peace the English had renounced
all their authority and rights in the western country, and
notwithstanding the intrigues of Governor Simcoe many
were inclined to make peace. Some were impressed with
this feeling before Wayne's army came into the country.
Such Indians from time to time advised Wayne of their de-
sire for peace. The necessities of the Indians during the
winter of 1794-5 were very great, and they were dependent
on the English, who did not supply their wants. Their
cattle perished, and their dogs died, and they were suffering
for food — in fact, in a starving condition. Under such cii'-
cumstances, and the absence of aid from the British, the In-
dians began to yield and sue for peace. In the latter part of
winter there was an exchange of prisoners, and with some
tribes preliminary arrangements were made for a definite
treaty in the following June. Early in this month deputies
from the northwestern tribes began to arrive at Greenville,
and on the sixteenth of the month the first formal council
was held, with such of the deputies as were then present.
Other chiefs and deputies continued to arrive, and the council
continued to deliberate until the 30th of July, on which day
the parties united upon the basis of an agreement which was
to bury the hatchet forever. Between that day and the third of
August it was engrossed, and on the last named day signed
by " Anthony Wayne, Sole Commissioner on the part of the
United States, and the Wyandot, Delaware, Shawanoe, Ot-
tawa, Chippewa, Pottawatomie, Miami, Eel River, Wea,
Kickapoo, Piankashaw, and Kaskaskia nations of Indians, by
the deputies of those nations respectively."

By the first article of this treaty, all hostilities were hence-
forth to cease, and peace, which was to be perpetual, was estab-
lished, and a friendly intercourse between these Indian tribes
and the United States was to take place. By the second arti-
cle all prisoners were to be restored.

The following general boundai-y line between the lands of
the United States and the lands of these Indian tribes, was es-
tablished by the third article of the treaty, viz: Beginning "at
the mouth of the Cuyahoga river, and running thence up the
same to the portage, between that and the Tuscarawas branch

80 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

of the Muskingum ; thence down that branch to the crossing
place above Fort Lawrence (Laurens) ; thence westerly to a
fork of the branch of the Great Miami river, running into the
Ohio, at or near which fork stood Loramie's store, and where
commences the portage between the Miami of the Ohio and
St. Mary's river, which is a branch of the Miami, which runs
into Lake Erie; thence a westerly course to Fort Recovery ;
thence southwesterly in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to in-
tersect that river opposite the mouth of the Kentucke or Cut-
tawa river." The same article of the treaty has this stipula-
tion in it: "In consideration of the peace now established;
of the goods formerly received from the United States; of
those now to be delivered ; of the yearly delivery of goods
now stipulated to be made hereafter; and to indemnify the
United States for the injuries and expenses they have sus-
tained during the war, the said Indian tribes do hereby cede
and relinquish forever, all their claims to the lands lying east-
wardly and southwardly of the general boundary line now
described; and these lands, or any part of them, shall never
hereafter be made a cause or pretense, on the part of the said
tribes, or any of tbem, of war or injury to the United States,
or any of the people thereof" In addition to the territory
thus ceded to the United States, " as an evidence of the re-
turning friendship of said Indian tribes, and of their confi-
dence in the United States, and desire to provide for their
accommodation, and for that convenient intercourse which
will be beneficial to both parties," they cede to the govern-
ment some fifteen separate pieces of land, in quantities rang-
ing from two to twelve miles square, together with the posts
of Detroit and Michilimackinac, with considerable land at-
tached to each. Some of these reservations were adjacent to
the Mississippi, and all in the unceded country. A free pas-
sage by land and water was guaranteed to the people of the
United States, through the Indian country, to these posts, as
well as the free use of the harbors and mouths of rivers along
the lakes adjoining the Indian lands, for sheltering vessels
and boats, and liberty to land their cargoes when necessary
for safety.
In consideration of the peace established, and the cessions

OUR INDIAN WARDS, 81

and relinquishments of lands made by the Indians in the
third article, it was stipulated in the fourth article of the
treaty, tliat in order to manifest the liberality of the govern-
ment, and as a means of rendering this peace strong and per-
petual, " the United States relinquishei their claims to all other
Indian lands northward of the river Ohio, eastward of the
Mississippi, and westward and southward of the great lakes
and the waters uniting them, according to the boundary line
agreed on by the United States and the king of Great Brit-
ain, in the treaty of peace made between them in the year
178-3." There was, however, excepted from this relinquish-
ment a tract of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, near
the falls of the Ohio, which had been assigned to General
Clark, for the use of himself and his warriors, the post of
Vincennes, on the Wabash, and the lauds adjacent, to which
the Indian title had been extinguished; the lands at such
other places in possession of the French people, and other
Avhite settlers among them, to which the Indian title was
also extinguished, and the post of Fort Massac, toward the
mouth of the Ohio ; to all which parcels of land so excepted
the Indians relinquished all the title and claim which they, or
any of them, ever had.

Goods to the amount of twenty thousand dollars were de-
livered to the Indian tribes, and the receipt thereof acknowl-
edged by them, and it was covenanted that " henceforward,
every year, forever, the United States will deliver at some con-
venient place northwest of the Ohio, like useful goods, suited to
the circumstances of the Indians, of the vahie of nine thou-
sand five hundred dollars, reckoning that value at the first cost
of the goods, in the city or place in the United States where
they shall be procured. Such goods to be divided thus:
To the Wyandots, Delawares, Shavvanoes, Miamis, Ottawas,
Chippewas, Pottaw^atomies, each one thousand dollars ; and to
the Kickapoos, "Weas, Eel Rivers, Piankashaws, andKaskas-
kias, each, five hundred dollars. To prevent any misunder-
standing about any of the Indian lands, to which the United
States relinquished all claim in the fourth article of the treaty,
it was in the fifth article thereof " explicitly declared^ that the
t)

82 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

meaning of that relinquishment is this : The Indian tribes who
have a right to these lands, are quietly to enjoy them, hunt-
ing, planting, and dwelling thereon, so long as they please,
without any molestation from the United States ; but when
those tribes, or any of them, shall be disposed to sell their
lands, or any part of them, they are to be sold only to the
United States ; and until such sale the United States will pro-
tect all tlie said Indian tribes in the quiet enjoyment of their
lands, against all citizens of the United States, and against
all other white persons who intrude upon the same." The
sixth article provides that " if any citizen of the United States,
or any other white person or persons, shall presume to settle
upon the lands now relinquished by the United States, such
citizen, or other person, shall be out of the protection of the
United States, and the Indians, on whose land the settlement
shall be made, may drive off the settler, or punish him in
such manner as they shall think fit ; and because such settle-
ments, made without the consent of the United States, will
be injurious to them as well as to the Indians, the United
States shall be at liberty to break them up, and remove and
punish the settlers as they shall think proper, and so effect
that protection of the Indian lands hereinbefore stipulated."
By the treaty, the Indians were allowed to hunt upon the
lands ceded to the United States, without hindrance or mo-
lestation, so long as they demeaned themselves peaceably and
offered no injury to the people of the United States ; stringent
provisions for trade with the Indians were incorporated ; and
it was agreed that, for injuries done by individuals, on either
side, no private revenge or retaliation should take place;
but instead thereof, complaint shall be made by the party
injured to the other, and such prudent measures then be pur-
sued as will be necessary to preserve peace and friendship un-
broken, until the great council of the United States shall
make equitable provision in the case, to the satisfaction of
both parties. Other beneficial and precautionary provisions
were incorporated in this treaty. There are but few of the
many Indian treaties that we have made with the red man,
that are so painstaking and comprehensive in their provisions
as Wayne's treaty of Greenville. Withal, it was deceptive,

OUR INDIAKT WARDS. 83

and very soon worked injury to the Indians, who supposed
they had a full guaranty to the country relinquished to them.
The fatal point was in this — while it guaranteed to the Indians
the unmolested occupancy of the lands north, west, and south
of the general boundary line described in the treaty, the
numerous reservations set apart in this country thus guaran-
teed, with the right of way to each, virtually opened the In-
dian country to invasion by the whites, who were not slow in
improving the opportunity thus offered to intrude on the In-
dian lands. It was, however, effective in this — it left the
citizens of the United States in the possession and enjoyment
of all the lands lying eastwardly and southwardly of the gen-
eral boundary line described in the third article. There is
one noticeable fact connected with this " general boundary
line," and that is, by it the Miami village, the establishment
of a strong military post at which was the prime object of
General St. Clair's campaign in 1791, is left in the country
relinquished by the United States to the Indian tribes.

The experience of General "Washington, and his personal
knowledge of border wars that took place years before our
war for independence, between the Indians and parties that
sought to make settlements on their lands, caused him to give
the matter of the public domain, and the settlement of the
same, much thought, and in 1783, in a letter written to James
Dnane, then in Congress, he unfolded the difficulties that lay
in the way of occupying and settling the lands acquired by
the treaty of peace. Many schemes were suggested by enter-
prising and speculative characters, for disposing of the public
lands, looking to their absorption in large grants, without re-
gard to the rights of the Indian population. In his letter,
Washington insisted that settlements should be made com-
pact ; that it should be made felony to survey or settle on any
lauds west of a line to be designated by Congress ; that no
land should be purchased from the Indians, except by the
sovereign power ; and prophesied the renewal of border wars,
endino- in great sacrifice of life and expenditure of money,
if stringent measures were not adopted. The events follow-
ino- proved the wisdom of his suggestions, although they were
not carried out. The Congress of the Confederation did, it is

84 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

true, pass some resolutions and adopt some ordinances of a
salutary nature, but they were not regarded. The result was
an Indian war of some years' duration, which, however de-
sirous we may be to palliate it, can not be justified.

At the close of Wayne's campaign, the Indians were re-
duced and impoverished. Those inhabiting the Maumee and
Auglaize valleys were left destitute. In one of the letters
Wayne wrote from Grand Glaize, he said : " The margins of
these beautiful rivers, the Miami of the Lake and Auglaize,
appear like one continued village for a number of miles, both
above and below this place ; nor have I ever before beheld
such immense fields of corn in any part of America, from
Canada to Florida." All these were destroyed, simply and
only to gratify the rapacity of the white man. For several
jesiYS after the treaty of Greenville, but few difficulties occur-
red between the Indians and the whites. The former in a
good degree remembered the covenants of the treaty, and
there seemed to be land sufficient in the ceded country to sat-
isfy, for the time, the avarice of the latter. But as settle-
ments extended and began to approach the boundary line, it
was deemed necessary to request our red " brothers " to enter
into treaty relations again. More land was demanded ; and
on the 7th day of June, 1803, General William Henry Har-
rison, "Governor of Indiana Territory, Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, and Commissioner Plenipotentiary of the
United States, for concluding any treaty or treaties which
may be found necessary with any of the Indian tribes north-
west of the river Ohio, of the one part, and the tribes of
Indians called the Delawares, Shawanoes, Pottawatomies,
Miamis, and Kickapoos, by their chiefs and head warriors,
and those of the Eel Rivers, Weas, Piankashaws, and Kas-
ktiskias, by their agents and representatives, Tuthinipoe,
Winnemar, Eichardville, and Little Turtle (who are properly
authorized by said tribes), of the other part," convened at
Fort Wayne, and entered into a treaty. As early as 1788,
the Indians in the Jforthwest Territory notified the United
States government that, by a regulation of their confedera-
tion or league, no treaty for a cession of territory would be
binding, unless all the Indian nations belonging to the con-

OUE INDIAN WARDS, 85

federacy united in the agreement. It was because of the
absence of deputies from many of the Indian nations belong-
ing to the confederacy that the validity of the treaties of
Fort Mcintosh and Fort Harmer were denied. To enforce
these treaties was one of the objects of the campaigns of
Harmer and St. Olair ; and in 1794, the Indians, on this
account, refused to meet the government commissioners, and
hence the campaign of General Wayne. It is to be presumed
that when Wayne entered into negotiations, in 1795, at Green-
ville, he had present delegates representing all the nations in
the Indian confederacy, and that they were parties to the
agreement. It is observed that the Chippewas and Ottawas,
two very important tribes who were parties to the treaty of
Greenville, were not parties to the treaty of Fort Wayne.
Moreover, several of the tribes who were parties to this treaty,
appear to have been there only by agents or representatives.

On the 22d day of August, only two months after the exe-
cution of the Fort Wayne treaty. Governor Harrison made
another treaty at Vineennes; the Indian tribes represented
being the Eel Eiver, Wyandot, Piankashaw, and Kaskaskia
nations, and also the Kickapoos, "by their representatives,
the chiefs of the Eel Eiver nation." The Delawares, Shawa-
noes, Ottawas, Chippewas, and Miamis were absent.

On the 4th of July, 1805, Charles Jowett, as commissioner
on the part of the tlnited States, made a treaty at Fort In-
dustry, with the Wyandots, Ottawas, Chippewas, Murisees,
Delawares, Shawanoes, and Pottawatomies. The Kickapoos,
Weas, Piankashaws, and Xaskaskias were absent.

On the 25th of August, 1805, Governor Harrison made a
treaty at Grouceland, near Vineennes, with the Delawares,
Pottawatomies, Miamis, Eel Rivers, and Weas. The Wyan-
dots, Shawanoes, Ottawas, Chippewas, Piankashaws, and Kas-
kaskias were absent.

On the 17th of ITovember, 1807, Governor William Hull,
of the Michigan Territory, made a treaty at Detroit, at which
only the Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, and Wyandots
were represented.

On the 25th of November, 1808, Governor Hull made a
treaty at Brownstown, at which only the Chippewas, Otta-

86 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

was, Pottawatomies, "Wyandots, and Shawanoes were repre-
sented.

On the 30th of September, 1809, Governor W. H. Harrison
made a treaty at Fort "Wayne, in which only the Delawares,
Pottawatomies, and Miamis were represented.

All these treaties were for cessions of land ; and thus in the
space of fifteen years it is seen that "Wayne's treaty of 1795,
with all its excellent provisions for the government and j)ro-
tection of the Indians, was not only substantially obliterated,
and vast bodies of the lands assured by it to the Indian na-
tions were transferred to the white man, the original proprie-
tors dispossessed, and wherever found were a broken-down,
disheartened, and miserable people.

As cession after cession of land was obtained from the In-
dians, by this process of almost continual treaty-making, Te-
cumseh and his brother, the Prophet, as well as other leading
Indians, became alarmed, and set about to revive the con-
federacy and form a union of the tribes to prevent further
cessions as well as settlements on their lands. Anothet pur-
pose they had in view was to attempt a reformation of the
habits of the Indians, many of whom, through despondency,
had become much addicted to the use of liquor, by which
they were made unfit for intelligent action.

Byjhe treaiy of^lSIlQ^^jaLl'ojVWajne, certain lands on the
Wabash were ceded to the United States. Tecumseh entered
a bitter protest against these treaties, and notably against this
Fort Wayne treaty. The land ceded by this treaty was in the
valley of the Wabash, and while the length of the cession
could not be determined by the language of the treaty, it is
provided that the tract shall not be less in width, at the nar-
rowest point, than thirty miles. In an interview with Gov-
ernor Harrison, after this treaty was made, Tecumseh insisted
that there must be no more cessions of land acquired by trea-
ties made with but a fragment of the Indian nations inter-
ested, and that the petty village chiefs were not the parties
authorized to make treaties. He insisted that the principle
must be recognized that no purchase could be made unless
sanctioned by a council representing all the tribes parties to
the Wayne treaty of 1795, as one nation. He had been

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 87

charged to the governor with having threatened to kill the
chiefs who signed the treaty of 1809, and this he admitted to
be true. He recited in an earnest manner the aggressions of
the whites upon the Indians and the wrong done them; and
while he disclaimed any intention of making war on the peo-
ple of the United States, he declared it to be his unalterable
resolution to oppose any further incursions of the whites upon
the domain of the Indinns. "When it is remembered that the
Shawanoes were among the most influential of the tribes par-
ties to the treaty of 1795, and that they were specially inter-
ested in the land on the Wabash, ceded by the treaty of 1809,
and yet that there is not the nanie-o£-a.siuglfi_Sliawatioe at-
tached tr:> thnt trpat-y; it wmiH seem tkat Teeumseh had good
cause to express dissatisfaction. It would have required more
than ordinary grace to have restrained the wrath of a repre-
sentative of a civilized community, and induced him to pa-
tiently submit under like circumstances. Teeumseh was,
strictly speaking, neither a war nor a peace chief, but withal
was regarded a sagacious and brave warrior and a wise and
efficient counselor. In the reply of Governor Harrison to
the speech of this chief, at the interview referred to, the in-
terpreter was interrupted by the Indian, who said that all
that the governor stated was false, and that he and the Sev-
enteen Fires (the United States) had cheated and imposed
upon the Indians. The governor did not attempt to explain —
indeed, it is not seen how he could; but told the chief that
he was a bad man, and that he would hold no farther com-
munication with him, and thus the interview ended. For
some time previous to this interview which closed so abruptly.
Governor Harrison had, in view of the movements of Te-
eumseh and his brother, been looking to a conflict as prob-
able, and immediately after the chief left Vincennes proceeded
to prepare for a contest, by strengthening the militia and
posting the regular troops that were with him. Teeumseh
had said that the lands ceded by the treaty of 1809 must be
given up and no more treaties made with village chiefs, at)d
unless this was acceded to, his effort to unite all the Indians
in hostility would be continued, and hence war seemed to be
a foregone conclusion. At this juncture snndry deputations,

88 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

from such of the natives as felt their weakness, came and
promised peace and compliance, but Governor Harrison put
his troops in the field, and on the 5th of October, 1811, was
on the Wabash, about sixty-five miles above Vincennes, where
he built Fort Harrison. On the 31st of the month he was at
the mouth of the Vermillion, where he built a block -house;
from thence he advanced for the Prophet's town, and with-
out interruption, on the 6th of N^ovember reached its vi-
cinitj'. Here he was met by Indian embassadors, whom he
informed that he had no hostile intentions if the Indians were
true to existing treaties. Of course he meant the treaties
made subsequent to the treaty of 1795, all of which were
made by only portions of tribes parties to that treaty, and
hence not in tbe judgment of many of the Indians binding
upon them. Harrison encamped thnt night on a piece of dry
oak land, indicated by the chiefs, who, he said before they
left, united with him in a mutual promise for a suspension of
hostilities, " until an interview could be had on the following
day." His camp was near the Indian town, and the Indians
doubting his profession that he had no hostile intent in in-
vading their country with an army, attacked him on the
morning of the 7th of November, before day, and after a vig-
orous contest were repulsed and driven by the infantry and
dragoons into a marsh, where they could not be followed.
The Americans lost in the battle thirty-seven killed, and had
one hundred and fifty-one wounded, twenty-five of whom
were mortally wounded. Forty Indians were killed ; the
number of wounded unknown. There was no further oper-
ation by the troops, and on the 4th of December, Governor
Harrison wrote that the frontiers never enjoyed more perfect
repose. /

In Tuttle's history of Michigan (1873), when speaking of
the events which occurred about this pex'iod, it is said : " These
new troubles were indeed nothing more than the Americans
might have expected. The Indians saw a new power en-
croaching upon the- inheritance handed down to them from
their ancestors. It was not difficult, therefore, to unite them
in one last desperate effort to resist this usurping power.
Their titles had been only partially extinguished, and they

OUR INDIAN WAKDS. 89

complained that where this had been done, the treaties had
been unfairly conducted ; that the Indians had been deceived;
that they were in a state of intoxication at the time they
signed away their lauds, and that even under those circum-
stances, only a part of the tribes had given their consent."

Tecumseh was absent among the southern Indians at the
time of the battle of Tippecanoe, and on his return reproached
his brother, the Prophet, for his indiscretion. By his impru-
dence in attacking Harrison's army, at Tippecanoe, the
Prophet had, in the judgment of Tecumseh, ruined the
scheme of the projected confederacy. He, however, imme-
diately sent word to Harrison, that he had returned home
from the south, and was prepared to make a visit to "Wash-
ington, to see the president, which tad some time before been
proposed. The governor gave him permission to go, but not
to conduct a party of Indians, which, was desired. The pro-
posed visit on these terms was declined, and all intercourse
terminated. At Fort Wayne, some time after this, Tecumseh
disavowed to the Indian agent any intention to make war on
the United (States, and reproached Governor Harrison for in-
vading his country with troops, during his absence in the
south. To the reply of the agent, the chief listened with
great indifference, and thereafter departed for Maiden, in
Upper Canada, and went into the British service. This gave
him power to do much injury, and be was active. As an
evidence of this it may be stated that as soon as Hull had re-
treated out of Canada, and Mackinac had fallen into the
hands of the British, Tecumseh sent a messenger to the Pot-
tawatomies, then residing near Fort Dearborn (Chicago), in-
forming them of the fact, and urging tbem to arm immedi-
ately. The sad fate of the troops then in the garrison there
is known to all ; and the conflicts in the Northwest, during
the war of 1812, in which the British had as allies numerous
bands of the Indian nations, who were parlies to Wayne's
treaty of 1795, and the aid they rendered the British cause,
are matters of history. In the month »f October, 1813, at
the battle of the Thames, in Canada, a novel charge was made
by the Kentucky cavalry, and this produced a panic, under
which the main body of the British troops yielded at once ;

90 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

but their Indian allies fought with great courage. In the
contest, Tecumseh, the great Shawanoe chief, fell.

After the defeat of Hull and the victories gained by the
British and Indians in the itTorthwest, tho people in the West-
ern states became much excited, especially against the In-
dians. 'So one stopped to inquire how the denizens of the
forest had become involved in the war; it was sufficient to
know that they were engaged in it. The fact that they were
not all on one side seemed not to be considered. Governor
Edwards, of Illinois, was soon engaged in organizing troops
and fitting out an expedition to operate against the Indians
on the Illinois river. Colonel Russell, of the 17th U. S. regi-
ment, was engaged in raising troops, called rangers, to co-
operate with Governor Reynolds; and General Hopkins, a
revolutionai-y veteran, was in command of Kentucky troops.
He was to move up the Wabash to Fort Harrison, with a
large force, destroying all the Indian villages on or near the
river; thence to cross over to the Illinois country, and down
the Sangamon and the Vermillion, laying waste and destroy-
ing all Indian villages on his route, and then join Edwards,
and destroy the villages on the Illinois river. He wrote, on
the 29th September, to Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, and
said : " My present intention is to attack every settlement on
the Wabash, and destroy their property, then fall upon the
Illinois, and I trust in all the next month to perform much
of it." Insubordination among his troops prevented hira
from effecting much of this. Governor Reynolds' expedition
was more successful, but many of the Indian villages which
he destroyed were abandoned by the inhabitants, and hence
their lives were not at his mercy. Many sad incidents oc-
curred, but it is not necessary to chronicle them. What is
stated is sufficient to show the temper of the superior race
toward the natives.

At the close of the war a treaty was held at Greenville,
with the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoes, and Seneeas, who
adhered in the warto the United States. General Harrison
and Governor Cass represented the United States. Among
the provisions of the treaty was one giving peace to the
Miamis, Weas, and Eel River Indians, and portions of the Pot-

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 91

tawatomies, Ottawas, and Kickapoos, who wei*e engaged in the
British service; and all these tribes agreed to aid the Ameri-
cans, should the war continue. Happily it was at an ead.
This period was one in which the Indian population in the
Northwest suffered sadly. Some tribes were almost annihi-
lated, and all were badly demoralized; and none were favor-
ably impressed with the civilization of the white man. The
impressions of an unfavorable character remained fresh in
the memory of the Indians during the lives of the actors, and
were transmitted by them to their children.

92 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

CHAPTER VL

Early treaties with the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, akd Creeks. —
Message op President Monroe, and views of John C. Calhoon, Secre-
tary OP War, recommending the removal of the Indian nations re-
siding EAST of the Mississippi river to the west side, — Views op
James Barbour, Secretarv of War, on the same subject. — Message op
President Jackson recommending this removal. — Act of Congress pro-
viding FOR the same passed May 28, 1830.

The first treaty made with an Indian nation, within the
territory south of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi, was
with the Cherokees. This country was designated as the
Territory of the United States south of the river Ohio. The
treaty is known as the treaty of Hopewell. By it a definite
boundary hetween the Indian lands and those of "the citizens
of the United States, within the limits of the United States,"
was fixed, and it was stipulated that if any citizen of the
United States, or other person, not being an Indian, "shall
attempt to settle on any of the lands westward or southward
of the said boundary, or having already settled on, and will
not remove from the same, within six months after the rati-
fication of the treaty, such person shall forfeit the protection
of the United States, and the Indians may punish him or not
as they please." From their peculiar situation certain per-
sons who had settled between the French Broad and Holsteia
rivers were excepted from this penalty. It was stipulated in
the treaty "that the hatchet shall be buried /orewr, and the
peace given by the United States, and the friendship re-estab-
lished between the said States on the one part, and all the
Cherokees on the other, shall be universal;" and that "the
Indians may have full confidence in the United States, re-
specting their interests, they shall have the right to send a
deputy of their choice, when they think tit, to Congress."
This treaty was executed on tiie 28th of November, 1785.

On the 2d of July, 1791, another treaty with the Cherokees
was entered into " on the bank of the Holstein, near French

OUE INDIAN WAEDS. 93

Broad, within the limits of the United States." William
Blount, governor of the territory south of the river Ohio, was
the commissioner on the part of the United States. By this
treaty a new "boundary between the citizens of the United
States and the Cherokee nation" was established, and in
order to preclude forever all disputes relative to the said
boundary, it was agreed that " the same shall be ascertained
and marked plainly, by three persons appointed by the
United States, and three Cherokees, on the part of their
nation." For a consideration named, the Indians did release
and quitclaim, relinquish and cede to the United States all
the land to the right of the boundary line described; and
" the United States solemnly guaranteed to the Cherokees all
their lands not hereby ceded." It was also again provided
that " if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not
being an Indian, shall settle on any of the Cherokees' lands,
such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States,
and the Cherokees may punish him or not, as they please."
It was in this treaty further stipulated that " no citizen or in-
habitant of the United States shall attempt to hunt or destroy
the game on the lands of the Chei'okees; nor shall any citizen
or inhabitant go into the Cherokee country without a pass-
port first obtained from the governor of some one of the United
States, or territorial districts, or such other person as the
president may designate."

Between July 2, 1791, and February 27, 1819, twelve ad-
ditional treaties were made with the Cherokees, being at the
rate of one for every two and a half years. In the fall of the
year 1808, a deputation of Cherokees, representing both the
upper and lower towns, visited Washington City; the first
named to inform the President of their great desire to engage
in the pursuits of agriculture and civilized life, in the country
then occupied by them, and to advise him that as all the
nation could not be induced to join them in this new life,
that it was desired by them to establish a division line be-
tween the upper and lower towns, and thus by concentrating
their society within narrow limits, they proposed to begin the
establishment of fixed laws and regular government; the dep-
uties of the lower towns to make known their desire to con-

94 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

tinue the hunter life, and also the scarcity of game where
they then lived, and their wish to remove across the Missis-
sippi, on some vacant lands of the United States. To this
the president said : " The United States, my children, are the
friends of both parties. Those who remain may be assured
of our patronage, or aid and good neighborhood. Those
who wish to remove, are permitted to send an exploring
party to reconnoiter the country on the waters of the Arkan-
sas and White rivers, and the higher up the better, as they
will be the longer unapproached by our settlements." In
process of time those who wished to emigrate did do so, and
settled on lands of the United States on the Arkansas- and
"White rivers.

On the 8th of July, 1817, deputies from the Cherokee
nation east, as well as deputies from those who had removed
to the Arkansas, met at the Cherokee agency, within the
Cherokee nation, General Andrew Jackson and Joseph
McMinn, governor of Tennessee, to execute a treaty relin-
quishing to the United States all the right, title, and interest
of the western Cherokees, to all lands of right belonging to
them as a part of the nation, "which they have and are about
to leave, proportioned to their numbers, inchiding with those
then on the Arkansas, those about to leave, and also to make
an equal distribution of the annuities due to the whole
nation." These objects effected, the treaty provided for a
census to be taken ; a new boundary line was established, by
which the United States acquired a portion of the Cherokee
territory, and guaranteed aid to those who removed. Other
provisions beneficial to the Cherokees who remained, as well
as to those who removed, were incorporated in this treaty.
The new boundary line betweca the lands ceded to the United
States and those remaining to the Indians, was to be run by
United States commissioners, accompaBiedr'ByNmchcaBiflTO->,
^.^6io»«i«5^as the Cherokees may appoint, and the faith of the
government given to prevent the intrusion of any of its citi-
zens into the Cherokee lands. The treaty of 1819 provided
that the annuity due the Cherokee nation should be puid,
two-thirds to the Cherokees east of the Mississippi, and one-
third to the Cherokees west of that river, and reiterated the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 95

pledge that the boundary line to designate the lands ceded by
it should be I'un by joint commissioners, and " that all white
people who have intruded or may hereafter intrude on the
lands reserved for the Cherokees, shall be removed by the
United States."

The first treaty between the Choctaw nation of Indians
and the United States was made at Hopewell, on the 3il day of
January, 1786. By it a boundary line defining the limits of
the Ohoctaws was established, and it was provided, that " if
any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an
Indian, should attempt to settle on any of the lands allotted
to the Indians, such person should forfeit the protection of the
United States, and the Indians might punish him, or not, as
they pleased; the hatchet was har'ied forever ; " and it was
affirmed, that " the peace given by the United States, and
friendship re-established between the said states and the Choc-
taw nation, shall be universal." Between that date and the
20th of January, 1825, seven additional treaties were made
with the Choctaws. The second one was made on the 17th
December, 1801. In it, the contracting parties agreed, " that
the old line of demarcation heretofore established by and be-
tween the officers of his Brittanic majesty and the Choctaw
nation, shall be retraced, and plainly marked in such a way
and manner as the president may direct, in the presence of
two persons to be appointed by the said nation ; and that the
said line shall be the boundary between the settlements of the
Mississippi Territory and the Choctaw nation." By the same
treaty, the Indians did relinquish to the United States and
quitclaim forever, all their right, title, and pretension to the
land lying between the said line and the Mississippi river.
All white persons residing within the Choctaw countrj^ were
to be removed outside of the same toward the Mississippi
river, together with their slaves, household furniture, tools,
materials, and stock, and the cabins or houses erected by such
persons were to be demolished.

Japtes-W^Ugus qti, com missioner on the part of the United
States, accompanied byTCETngo Pooscoos and Alatta Ilooma,
OhoctaLffi^^oramissioners, did run and distinctly mark this di-
visionliiivi aua T epm'ttitr their proceedings on the 31st nf

96 OUR INDIAiSr WARDS.

August, 1803. Their report concludes thus: " And we, the
said commissioners plenipotentiary, do ratify and confirm the
said line of demarcation, and do recognize and acknowledge
the same to be the boundary which shall separate and dis-
tinguish the land ceded to the United States, between the
Tombigbee, Mobile, and Pascagola rivers, from that which
has not been ceded by the said Choctaw nation."

By the treaty made in November, 1805, the Choctaws ceded
a portion of their country to the United States ; by the treaty
made in October, 1816, another portion is ceded; by the
treaty of October 18, 1820, for and in consideration of a ces-
sion of another portion of the Choctaw country to the United
States, there was ceded to said nation a tract of country west
of the Mississippi river, situate between the Arkansas and
Eed rivei's, the boundary lines of which were to be ascertained
and distinctly marked, bv^eemaaissioners to be appointed for
that purpose, to be acc(?mpanied" bystich person as the Choc-
taws may select ; and for the purpose of assisting such of the
Choctaws as wish to remove to the country west, aid was to
be given them on the journey, and for one year after their
arrival at their new home.

Ey the treaty of January 20, 1825, the Choctaws ceded
another portion of their land, east of the Mississippi, to the
United States.

The first treaty between the United States and the Chicka-
saw nation was made at Hopewell, on the 10th of January, 1786.
By this treaty a boundary line was established between the lands
allotted to the Chickasaws and those set apart to the Chero-
kees and Choctaws, and those in possession of the Creeks ;
and it was provided, that " the hatchet shall be buried for-
ever, and the peace given by the United States of America and
the friendship re-established between the said states and the
Chickasaw nation shall be universal." It was also stipulated,
that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not
being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any of the lands
hereby allotted to the Chickasaws, such person shall forfeit the
protection of the United States, and the Indians may punish
him, or not, as they please. Between the date of this treaty and
October 19, 1818, the Chickasaws made four a(^itioual treaties,

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 97

in some of whicli cessions of land were conveyed to the United
States.

The first treaty made with the Creek Indians was on the
7th of August, 1790. By this treaty a boundary between the
citizens of the United States and the Creek nation was es-
tablished ; and, to prevent disputes, this line was to be ascer-
tained by an able surveyor, on the part of the United States,
assisted by three old citizens of Georgia and three old Creek
chiefs, appointed for that purpose; and that said boundary
be rendered distinct, it was agreed that, where necessary, it
shonld be marked by a line of felled trees, at least twenty
feet wide. All claims of the Creeks to other lands were
extinguished forever. The United States solemnly guaranteed
to the Creeks all their land defined by the established bound-
ary ; and provided that if any citizen of the United States,
or other person, not being an Indian, should attempt to set-
tle on any of the Creek lands, such person should forfeit the
protection of the United States, and the Creeks might punish
him or not, as they please. It is declared that there shall be
perpetual peace and friendship between all thfe citizens of the
United States, and all the individuals, towns, and tribes, of the
upper, middle, and lower Creeks, and Seminoles, composing
the Creek nation of Indians. Between the date of this
treaty and the 12th of February, 1825, seven additional
treaties wei'e made with these Indians. These, with.but one-
exception, were for the cession of additional territory to the
United States. One of them, made on the 9th of August,
J^lJi^was with General Andrew Jackson, the commander
of the United States troops, then engaged in a war with
the Creeks, and was an agreement and capitulation. By
it they ceded to the United States a large body of land, as an
equivalent for the expenses of the war; and the ftiited States
guaranteed to them the integrity of the residue_of their
country. The articles of the treaty were to constitute the
basis of a permanent peace between the government and the
Creek nation. — By the eighth and last article of the treaty
the Creeks ceded to the United States all their lands, within
the State of Georgia, and also all other lands which thejr
7

98 OUK INDIAN WAEBS.

then occupied, or to which they made claim, lying north and
west of a line to be run from the first principal falls upon the
Chattahooche river, above Cowetan town, to Ockfuskee Old
Town, upon the Tallapoosa; thence to the falls of Coosaw
river, at or near a place called the Hickory Ground ; and the
United States agreed to give, in exchange for this cession, the
like quantity of land, acre for acre, westward of tiie Missis-
sippi river, on the Arkansas river, and to pay them for their
improvements, their losses in removal, and for the purchase
of" supplies in their new home, the sum of four hundred
thousand dollars.

After the close of the war of 1812, there was a constant
pressure for the extinguishment of the Indian title to lands
in the territory northwest of the river Ohio. But little effort
was made by the government to resist this pressure. Indeed,
it seemed, in order to appease it, that the services of William
Henry Harrison, Lewis Cass, Duncan McArthur, John Gra-
ham, Benjamin Park, Niuian Edwards, William Clark, Au-
gustus Chouteau, Solomon Sibly, Jonathan Jennings, and
manj' others, were in almost constant demand as commis-
sioners, on the part of the United States, to negotiate with
tribe after tribe of the Indian population, with a view to ob-
tain cessions of their lauds.

In the progress of these events, and nearly fifty years after
the declaration of our independence, and more than forty
years after our treaty of peace in 1783, with England, the
president of the United States, on the 27th of January, 1825, i
then near the close of a term of eight years' eervice, in a
message to Congress, urged the removal of the Indian tribes,
from the^iands then occupied by them within the several
states and oijganized territories, to the west of the Missis-
sippi river,^otwith8tanding the United States had in some
form, in its treaties with these tribes, guaranteed to each of
them forever a portion of the territory on which it then re-
sided. This message was induced by the demand of the State
of Georgia, that the title of the Cherokee Indians to their
lands in that state should, without delay, be extinguished.
In the Compact of 1802^Jbetween Georgi a and the United
States, the latter had agreedto~^tinguish the iScIiaii title

OUB INBIAN WARDS. 99

80 soon as it could be done " peaceably and on reasonable
terms." The Indians were not a party to the compact, and
by the treaty of Hopewell, in 1785, between the government
and the Cherokees, the limits of their lands within the State
-of Georgia, and elsewhere, were defined, and it was stipulated
that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, not
being an Indian, should attempt to settle in the Cherokee
country, or having so settled will not remove within the
space of six months after the ratification of the treaty, such
an one "shall forfeit the protection of the United States,
and the Indians may punish him or not, as they please." By
the treaty of Holstein, in 1791, this boundary was reaffirmed,
iind in 1797, the lines were ascertained and marked, in pursu-
ance of the provision of the treaty of 1791. At the time of
the compact of 1802, between Georgia and the United States,
a,ll these facts were known. Ifo such compact existed he-^/
tween the United States and any other state.

In his message, President Monroe said : " Experience has
clearly demonstrated that, in their present state, it is impos-
sible to incorporate them [the Indians] in such masses, in any
form whatever, into our system. It has been demonstrated
with equal certainty, that, without a timely anticipation of,
and provision against, the dangers to which they are exposed,
under causes which it will be difficult, if not impossible, to
control, tljeirMegradation and extermination will be inevita-
ble. The great o^eet to be accomplished is, the removal of
those tribes to the territory designated, on conditions which
shall be satisfactory to themselves and honorable to the United
States. This can be done only by conveying to each tribe a
^ood title to an adequate portion of land to which it may
consent to remove, and providing for it there a gjistem of in-
ternal government, which shall protect their property from
invasion, and, by regular progress of improvement and civili-
zation, prevent that degeneracy which has generally njarked
the transition from one to the other state." The president
continued thus: "I transmit herewith a report from the
secretary of war, which presents the best estimate which can
be formed from the documents in that department, of the uum-*
l)er of Indians within our states and territories, and of the

100 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

amount of land held by the several tribes within each; of the-
state of the country lying northward and westward thereof,,
within our acknowledged boundaries ; of the parts to which
the Iiidian title has been extinguished ; and of the conditions
on which other parts, in an amount which may be adequate
to the objects contemplated, may be obtained. By this re-
port, it appears that the Indian title has already been extin-
guished to extensive tracts in that quarter, and that other
portions may be acquired, to the extent desired, on very mod-
erate conditions. Satisfied, I also am, that the removal pro-
posed, is not only practicable, but that the advantages attend-
ing it, to the Indians, may be made so apparent that all the
tribes, even the most opposed, may be induced to accede to it.
" The digest of a government, with the consent of the In-
dians, which should be endowed with sufficient power to meet
all the objections contemplated, to collect the several tribes
together in a bond of unity, and preserve order in each ; to
prevent intrusions on their property; to teach tliem, by regu-
lar instruction, the arts of civilized life; and make them a
civilized people, is an object of very high importance. It is
the powerful consideration which we have to offer to these
tribes, as an inducement to relinquish the lands on which
they now reside, and to remove to those which are desig-
nated. It is not doubted that this arrangement will present
considerations of sufficient force to surmount all their preju-
dices in favor of the soil of their nativity, however strong-
they may be. Their elders have sufficient intelligence to dis-
cern the certain progress of events, in the present train, and.
sufficient virtue, by yielding to momentary sacrifices, to pro-
tect their families and posterity from inevitable destruction.
They will ^Iso perceive that they may thus attain an eleva-
tion, to which, as communities, they could not otherwise
aspire.

" To the United States the arrangement offers many im-
portant advantages, in addition to those which have been
enumerated. By the establishment of such a government
over these tribes, with their consent, we become, in reality,,
their benefactors. The relation of conflicting interests, which
has heretofore existed between them and our frontier settle-

OUE INDIAN WAEBS. 101

iraents, will cease. There will be no more wars between them
and the United States. Adopting such a government, tlieir

^miovement will be in harmony with us, and its good effect be
felt throughout the whole extent of our territory, to the Pa-
cific. It may fairly be presumed, that, through the agency
of such a government, the condition of all the tribes inhabit-
ing that vast region may be eventually improved ; that per-
manent peace may be preserved with them, and our com-
merce be much extended. With a view to this important
object, I recommend it to Congress to ado'pt, by solemn declar-
ation, certain fundamental principles, in accord with those
suggested, as the basis of such arrangements as may be en-
tered into with the several tribes, to the strict observance of
which the faith of the nation shall be pledged. I recommend
it also to Congress, to provide, by law, for the appointment
of a suitable number of commissioners, who shall, under the
direction of the president, be authorized to visit, and explain
to the several tribes the objects of the government, and to
make with them, according to instructions, such arrange-
ments as shall be best calculated to carry these objects into
effect."

The report of the secretary of war, which accompanied
this message, stated that the number of Indians contemplated
to be transplanted by the scheme was about ninety-seve n thou-
sand, who then resided in iN'orth Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
■ Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois; Missouri, Jfew York, and the
territories of Arkansas and Michigan, and where located oc-
cupied about seventy-seven million oiT acres of land. The
secretary thought that the Indians in 'New York, the Ottawas
of Ohio, and those in Indiana and Illinois, and the peninsula
of Michigan, might be renwived to the country west of Lake
Michigan and north of Illinois^' He also thought that the In-
.dians in Florida need not go west, since they had ceded to the
United States all the northern part of the territory, and were
TCsiding out of the way in the southern part of the peninsula,
and thus reduced the number to be provided for west of Mis-
rsouri and the Territory of Arkansas to about eighty thou-
sfiand.

The secretary said that no arrangement for their removal

102 OUR INDIAN "WAEDS.

ought to be made which did not regard the interests of the-
Indians as well as our own; that almost all of the tribes pro-
posed to be afflicted by the arrangement were more or less
advanced in the arts of civilized life, there being scarcely one
of them which has not the establishment of schools in the
nation, affording at once the means of moral, religions, and
intellectual improvement. He added, that there was another
point which it was indispensable should be guarded, in order
to render the condition of the Indians less afflicting : " One
of the greatest evils to which they are subject (said the sec-
retary) is that incessavt pressure of our population, which
forces them from seat to seat, without allowing time for that
moral and intellectual improvement for which thej' appear to
be naturally eminently susceptible. To guard against this
evil, so fatal to the race, there ought to be the strongest and
most solemn assurance that the country given them should be theirs,. ■
as a permanent home, for themselves and their posterity, without I
being disturbed by the encroachments of our citizens." The sec-
retary made many suggestions as to a system of government
and laws that should be provided for them in their new homo,
which he thought would prove to the Indians and their pos-
terity a permanent blessing. He said they should have a per-
manent and solemn guaranty for their possessions, and re-
ceive the countenance and aid of the government for the
gradual extension of its privileges to them, in which event
there would be among all the tribes a disposition to accord
with the views of the government, and great confidence was
felt that the basis of a system might be laid which, in a few
years, would entirely effect the object in view, to the mutual
benefit of the government and the Indians, " and which, in
its operation, would effectually arrest the calamitous course
of events to which they must be subjected without a radical
change in the present system." The subject-matter contained
in the message of the president, and the report of his secre-
tary, were laid before Congress, but no action was at that time
taken.

In January, 1826, Hon. John Cocke, the chairman of th&
Indian committee in the House of Representatives, inclosed a
prepared " bill for the preservation and civilization of the-

OUR INBIAN "WARDS. 103

Indian tribes within the United States," to the Hon. James
Barbour, then secretary of war, for such suggestions, or the
forming of another bill for the same purpose, as to the secre-
tary might seem proper. Mr. Barbour framed a new bill, and
sent it with a report in " elucidation of its purposes " to Mr.
Cocke, on the 3d of February, 1826. In his report, Mr. Bar-
bour said : " The condition of the aborigines of this country,
and their future destiny, have long engaged the attention of
the philosopher and statesman, inspiring an interest corre-
spondent to the importance of the subject. The history of
the past presents but little on which recollection lingers with
satisfaction. The future is not more cheering, unless resort
be speedily had to other counsels than those b}' which we have
heretofore been governed. From the j&rst discovery of Amer-
ica to the present time one master passion, common to all
mankind, that of acquiring land, has driven, in ceaseless suc-
cession, the white man on the Indian. The latter, reluctantly
yielding to a force he could not resist, has retired from the
ocean to the mountains, and from the mountains to more in-
hospitable recesses, wasting away by sufferings and wars, foreign
and intestine, till a wretched fragment only survives of the
numerous hordes once inhabiting this country, whose portion
it is to brood in grief over their past misfortunes, or to look
in despair on the approaching catastrophe of their impending
doom. It were now an unprofitable task to inquire on what
principle the nations of Europe were justified in dispossessing
the native proprietor of his birthright. They brought with
them their own maxims, which recognized power as the only
standard of right, and fraud and force as perfectly legitimate
in the acquisition of territory. It has been done, and time
has confirmed the act.

" In the contest for dominion the milder qualities of justice
and clemency were disregarded. But that contest has long
since ceased in the TTnited States, where, on the one side, are
seen a great people, familiar with arts and arms, whose ener-
gies are increased by union, and directed by an efHcient gov-
ernment; on the other, a few ignorant and divided tribes of
barbarians. It is necessary for the former only to express its
will to receive or enforce immediate submission from the lat-

104 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

ter. The suggestions of policy should no longer stifle the
claims of justice and humanity. It is now, therefore, that a
most solemn question addresses itself to the American people,
and whose answer is full of responsibility. Shall we go on
quietly in a course, which, judging from the past, threatens
their, extinction, while their past sufferings and future pros-
pects so pathetically appeal to our compassion ? The respon-
sibility to which I refer, is what a nation owes to itself, to its
future character in all time to come. For next to the means
of self-defense and the blessings of free government, stands
iQ point of importance the character of a nation. Its distin-
guishing characteristics should be justice and moderation.
To spare the weak is its brightest ornament. It is, therefore,
a source of the highest gratification that an opportunity is
now offered the people of the United States to practice these
maxims, and give an example of the triumph of liberal prin-
ciples, over that sordid selfishness which has been the fruitful
spring of human calamity.

" It is the province of history to commit to its pages the
transactions of nations. Posterity look to this depository
with the most intense interest. The fair fame of their ances-
tors, a most precious inheritage, is to them equally a source
of pride and a motive of continued good action. But she
performs her province with impartiality. The authority she
exei'cises in the absence of others, is a check on bad rule.
The tyrant and the oppressor see in the character of their
prototypes, the sentence posterity is preparing for them.
Which side of the picture shall we elect ? For the decision is
left to ourselves. Shall the record transmit the present race
to future generations, as standing by, insensible to the pro-
gress of desolation which threatens the remnant of this peo-
ple; or shall these unfriendly characters give place to a gen-
erous effort which shall have been made to ^ave them from
destruction? While deliberating on this solemn question, I
would appeal to that high Providence, whose delight is jus-
tice and mercy, and take counsel from the oracles of his will,
revealed to man, in his terrible denunciation against the op-
pressor.

"In reviewing the past, justice requires that the humane

OUK INDIAN WARDS. 105

attempts of the federal government, coeval with its origin,
should receive an honorable notice. That they have essen-
tially failed, the sad experience of every day but too strongly
testifies. If the original plan, conceived in the spirit of be-
'nevolence, had not been fated to encounter that as yet una-
bated desire to bereave them of their lands, it would, per-
haps, have realized much of the hopes of its friends. So
long, however, as that desire continues to direct our councils,
every effort must fail. A cursory review is all that is neces-
sary to show the incongruity of the measures we have pur-
sued, and the cause of their failure. Missionaries are sent
among them to enlighten their minds, by imbibing them with
religious impressions. Schools have been established by the
aid of private as well as puhlic donations, for the instruction of
their youths. They have been persuaded to abandon the chase
— to locate themselves and become cultivators of the soil — im-
plements of husbandry and domestic animals have been pre-
sented them, and all these things have been done, accompanied
with professions of disinterested solicitude for their happiness.
Yielding to these temptations, some of them have reclaimed
the forest, planted their orchards, and erected houses, not
only for their abode, but for the administration of justice and
for religious worship. And when they have so done, you send
■your agent to tell them they must surrender their country to
the white man, and recommit themselves to some new desert,
and substitute as the means of their subsistence the preca-
rious chase for the certainty of cultivation. The love of our
native land is implanted in every human bosom, whether he
Toams the wilderness, or is found in the highest state of civ-
ilization. This attachment increases with the comforts of our
country, and is strongest when these comforts are the fruits
of our own exertions. Can it be matter of surprise that they
hear with unmixed indignation of what seems to them our
ruthless purpose of expelling them from their country, thus
endeared? They see that our professions are insincere— that
our promises have been broken, that the happiness of the In-
dian is a cheap sacrifice to the acquisition of more lands ; and
when attempted to'be soothed by the assurance that the coun-
try to which we propose to send them is desirable, they em-

106 OUR INDIAX WARDS.

pbatically ask us, what new pledges can you give us that we
shall not again be exiled when it is your wish to possess these-
lands? It is easier to state than to answer this question. A
regard for consistency, apart from any other consideration^
requires a change of measures. Either let him retain and
enjoy his home, or, if he is to be driven from it, abstain from
cherishing illusions we mean to disappoint, and thereby
make him to feel more sensibly the extent of his loss."

As a relief for existing evils, the secretary had some doubts
of the efficacy of removing the Indians to the west of the
Mississippi. He suggested many difficulties, and, moreover,,
expressed apprehensions that if removed " the same propen-
sity which has conducted the white population to the remote
regions they (the Indians) now occupy, will continue to pro-
pel the tide, till it is arrested only by the distant shoi-es of the
Pacific." He, however, prepared a bill, and submitted it
with his report, the outlines of which were as follows :

First. The country west of the Mississippi, and beyond the
states and territories, and so much on the east side of the Mis-
sissippi as lies west of Lakes Huron and Michigan, to be set
apart for the exclusive abode of the Indians.

Second. Their removal by individuals, in contradistinction
to tribes.

Third. A territorial government to be maintained by the
United States.

Fourth. If circumstances shall eventually justify it, the ex-
tinction of tribes, and their amalgamation in one mass, and a
distribution of property among the individuals.

Fifth. Leaves the condition of those who do not emigrate
unaltered.

The secretary concludes his exhaustive report thus : " I will

add, that the end proposed is the happiness of the Indian

the instrument of its accomplishment — their progressive, and,
finally, their complete civilization. The obstacles to success
are their ignorance, their prejudices, their repugnance to la-
bor, their wandering propensities, and the uncertainty of the
future. I would endeavor to overcome these by schools ; by
a distribution of land in individual right ; by a permanent
social establishment which should require the performance

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 107

of social duties ; by assigning them a country of whicli they
are never to be bereaved, and cherishing them with parental
kindness." The report and bill of the secretary did not re-
ceive the favorable consideration of Congress. During the
remainder of the administration of John Q. Adams the gov-
ernment was perplexed with the Indian problem. The states
in which the Indians held reservations were urging that the
Indian title be extinguished, and the Indians removed to the
west of the Mississippi. Georgia was impatient for the ful-
fillment of the compact of 1802, and the removal of all In-
dians from that state. That portion of the Oherokees who
declined to emigrate had organized a government of their
own, within the State of Georgia, and the controversy grow-
ing out of this act became national ; the people in every state
were discussing it in their political assemblies; it pervaded
Congress, and engaged the attention of the Supreme Court
of the United States, Georgia having by legislation sought to
repress the Indian government set up within her limits.

Thus matters stood at the time of the inauguration of
President Jackson. In his first annual message, December
8, 1829, he dealt with the subject at considerable length, and
especially with the existing aspect of affairs between the State
of Georgia and the Cherokees. The president said: "The
condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within the
limits of some of our states have become objects of much
importance. It has long been the policy of the government
to introduce among them the arts of civilization, in the
hope of gradually reclaiming them from a wandering life.
This pohcy has, however, been coupled with another, wholly
incompatible with its success. Professing a desire to civilize
and settle them, we have, at the same time, lost no oppor-
tunity to purchase their lands, and thrust them further into
the wilderness. By this means they have not only been kept
in a wandering state, but been led to look upon us as unjust
and indifferent to their fate. Thus, though lavish in its ex-
penditures on the subject, government has continually de-
feated its own policy ; and the Indians, in general, receding far-
ther and farther to the west, have retained their savage habits.
A portion, however, of the southern tribes, having mingled

108 OUR INDIAN WABDS.

much with the whites, and made some progress in the arts of
civilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independent gov-
ernment within the limits of Georgia and Alabama. These
states claiming to be the only sovereigns within their respective
territories, extending their laws over the Indians, induced the
latter to call upon the United States for protection. Cinder
the circumstances, the question presented was, whether the
general government had a right to sustain these people in their
pretensions ? The constitution declares, that ' no new state
shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other
state,' without the consent of its legislature. Georgia be-
came a member of the confederacy which eventuated in our
federal union, as a sovereign state, always asserting her claim
to certain limits, which having been originally defined in her
colonial charter, and subsequently recognized in the treaty of
peace, she has ever since continued to enjoy, except as they
have been circumscribed by her own voluntary transfer of a
portion of her territory to the United States, in the articles of
cession of 1802. Alabama was admitted into the Union ou the
same footing with the original states, with boundaries which
were prescribed by Congress. There is no constitutional,
conventional, or legal provision which allows them less power
over the Indians within their borders than is possessed by the
people of Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine
permit the Penobscot tribe to erect an independent govern-
ment within that state? And unless they did, would it not
be the duty of the general government to support them in
resisting such a measure ? "Would the people of the State of
New York permit each remnant of the Six Nations within her
limits to declare itself an independent people under the pro-
tection of the United States ? Could the Indians establish
a separate republic on each of their reservations in Ohio?
And if they were so disposed, would it be the duty of the gov-
ernment to protect them in the attempt? If the principle
involved in the obvious answers to these questions be aban-
doned, it will follow that the objects of the goverment are re-
versed, and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in
<lestroying the states which it was established to protect.
Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians

OtTR INDIAN WAEDS, 109'

inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama, that their attempt
to establish an independent government would not be coun-
tenanced by the executive of the United States ; and advised
them to emigrate beyond the Mississippi, or submit to the
law^of those states." In the further discussion of the sub-
j(|H|'P resident Jackson submitted to Congress, " the interest-
ing question, whether something can not be done, consistently
with the rights of the states, to preserve this much injured
race?" And added: "As a means of effecting this end, I
suggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart
an ample district west of the Mississippi, and without the
limits of any state or territory now formed, to be guaranteed
to the Indian tribes as long as they shall occupy it, each tribe
having the distinct control over the portion designated for its
own use. There they may be secured in the enjoyment of
governments of their own choice, subject to no other control
from the United States than such as may be necessary to pre-
serve peace on the frontier and between the several tribes.
There the benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of
civilization ; and by promoting union and harmony among
them, to raise up an interesting commonwealth, destined to
perpetuate the race, and to attest the humanity and justice of
the government."

Congress took hold of the subject, and in February, 1830,
both the Senate and House Committees on Indian Affairs made
reports in favor of the policy of the removal of the Indians
to the west of the Mississippi river ; and before the close of
the session, a law was passed, entitled " an act to provide for
an exchange of lands with the Indians residing within any of
the states or territories, and for their removal west of the river
Mississippi." This was approved by the president, May 2^
1830.

\ The first section authorized the president of the United
States to cause so much of any territory belonging to the
United States, west of the river Mississippi, and not included
in any state or organized territory, and to which the original
Indian title was extinguished, as he might judge necessary, to
be divided into a suitable number of districts, for the recep-
tion of such tribes or nations of Indians as may choose to ex-

110 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

change the lands where they now reside, and remove to the

west.

The second section authorized the president to exchange
the lands embraced in any such districts with any tribe or
nation of Indians then residing within the limits of any of
the states or territories, for the land claimed and occupio^^
them within such states or territories. ^^

The third section authorized the president to solemnly assure
the tribes with whom the exchange was made, that the United
States would /orecer secure and guarantee to them, and their
heirs or successors, the country so exchanged with them, and,
if they prefer it, the United States would cause a patent or
grant to be made and executed to them for the same.

The fourth section authorized the pi'esident to ascertain
such improvements on the lands of the Indians as added
value to the same, and cause such value to be appraised, and
to pay the amount of the same to the parties rightfully claim-
ing such improvements.

The fifth section authorized the president to render such
aid as was necessary and proper, to enable the emigrants to
remove to and settle in their new home ; and such aid as was
necessary for their support for one year after their removal. •

The sixth section authorized the president to cause each
tribe that emigrated to be protected at their new residence,
against all interruption or disturbance from any other tribe
of Indians, or from any other person or persons whatever.

The seventh section provided for the same superintendence
and care in their new home that was extended to them where
they then resided.

The eighth and last section appropriated the sum of five
hundred thousand dollars to enable the president to give effect
to the law.

OUR INDIAN WABDS. Ill

CHAPTER VII.

Dedication op the couktrt west op the Mississippi river for a permanent
HOME for the Indians residing east of it. — Guarantees that this

NEW home should NEVER BE EMBRACED WITHIN THE LIMITS OF ANT OR-
GANIZED STATE OR TEEKITOKT. — ThE TRIBES THAT EMIGRATED. — ThEIR
" LOST MONET." — ThE ANNEXATION OF TeXAS AND OTHER ACQUISITIONS. — ThE
EFFECT UPON THE InDI-ANS. — DEMANDS THAT THE COUNTRY SHOULD BE OPENED
TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE WHITE PEOPLE. — ORGANIZATION OP THE TERRI-
TORY OP Kansas. — Its effect on the emigrated tribes — Treaties of
1854. — Intrusion of the whites.^Military offioehs at Fort Leaven-
worth sympathize with the " squatters." — The reservations of the

ChBROKEES, ChTCKASAWS, ChOCTAWS, ETC.

Several years previous to the passage of the act of 1830,
tte United States acquired, by treaty with the Kansas and
Great and Little Osage Indians, the territory west of Mis-
souri and Arkansas, south of the Great ;b.''emehaw and north
of Eed river, and bounded on the west by a line drawn from
the head source of the Nemehaw to the source of the Kansas
river, and thence southwardly through the Rock Saline to the
Eed river, and this country was dedicated for the future but
■permanent homes of the Indian tribes or nations to be trans-
planted to it, upon their removal from their lands on the east
side of the Mississippi. It required several years to accom-
plish the transfer of such of the Indians east, as were pur-
suaded to remove. Finally, the Cherokees, Creeks, Choc-
taws, Chickasaws, Delawares, Shawanoes, Miamis, Kickapoos,
Pottowatomies, Chippewas of Rouch de Boeuf, Sacs and
Foxes, Weas and Piankashaws, Kaskaskias and Peorias, were
located west of the States of Missouri and Arkansas. In
time a portion of the Seminoles were also removed and placed
within the territory assigned to the Creeks. None of these
Indian tribes were exempt from the sacrifices, suffering, and
loss of life incident to Indian removals. It is doubtful
whether a like number of our own race could, under similar
circumstances, have sustained themselves as well.

In the tract granted to the Cherokees, it was estimated that

112 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

there were within the boundaries defined, about seven millions
of acres of land ; and in addition thereto, they were guaranteed
a perpetual outlet west, as far as the sovereignty of the United'
States and their right of soil extended, with a free and unmo-
lested use of all the country west of their western boundary.
Letters patent were ,to be issued to them for the tract specified,
and it was covenanted and agreed b}' the United States, " that
the lands ceded to the Cherokee nation, in the foregoing ar-
ticles, shall, in vo future time, without their consent, be included
within the territorial limits or jurisdiction of any state or ter-
ritory; but they (said states) shall secure to the Cherokee
nation the right, by their national councils, to make and to
carry into effect all such laws as they may deem necessary for
the government and protection of the persons and property
within their own country belonging to their people, or such
persons as have connected themselves with them." It was
further stipulated that the Cherokees should be entitled to a
delegate in the House of Representatives of the United States,..
whenever Congress should make provision for the same.

The tract granted to the Creeks was estimated to contain
over five millions of acres, and the United States covenanted
with them, that the same "shall be solemnly guaranteed to
the Creek Indians, worsAaZZ any state or territory ever have a
right to pass laws for the government of such Indians, but they
shall be allowed to govern themselves, so far as may be com-
patible with the general jurisdiction which Congress may
think proper to exercise over them; and the United States
will defend them from the unjust hostilities of other Indians^
and will, as soon as the boundaries of the tract are ascer-
tained, cause a patent or grant to be executed to the Creek
tribe for the same."

The original grant to the Choctaws, of a home west of the
Mississippi, was made as early as 1820. The boundaries of
this grant were modified by the treaty of January 20, 1825.
After the act of Congress of May 28, 1830, another treaty
was made with these Indians, to wit, on the 27th of Septem-
ber, 1830, in which it is provided that the United States,
under a grant specially to be made by the president of the
United States, shall cause to be conveyed to the Choctaw

OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 113

nation a tract of country west of the Mississippi, in fee simple
to them and their descendants, to inure to thera while they
shall exist as a nation, and live on it. [Here the country is
described by metes and bounds.] This stipulation is in the
fourth article : " The government and people of the United
States are hereby obliged to secure to the said Choctaw nation
of red people, the jurisdiction and government of the persons
and property that may be within their limits west, so that no
territory or state shall ever have a right to pass laws for the
government of the Choctaw nation of red people and their
descendants; and that no part of the land granted them
shall ecer be embraced in any territory or state; but the United
States shall forever secure said Choctaw nation from and
against all laws, except such as from time to time may be en-
acted in their own national councils, not inconsistent with the
constitution, treaties, and laws of the United States ; and ex-
cept such as may, and which have been enacted by Congress,
to the extent that Congress, under the constitution, are re-
quired to exercise legislation over Indian affairs." The tract
granted to the Choctaws was estimated to contain over nine
millions of acres of land.

The Chickasaw nation purchased from the Choctaws,
within the limits of the latter, on the 17th January, 1837, a
district of country, for which they paid the Choctaws the sum
of five hundred and thirty thousand dollars. In the treaty,
the country purchased is described by metes aud bounds, and
denominated the Chickasaw district of the Choctaw nation,
to have an equal representation in the Choctaw council with
any other district in the same, and placed on an equal footing
with the other districts of said Choctaw nation, and to be
subject to the same laws as the Choctaws.

By the provisions of a treaty proclaimed April 12, 1834, the
Seminole Indians had assigned to them for their future resi-
dence forever, a tract of land in the territory of the Creeks,
west of the Arkansas Territory. '

By a supplementary article to the treaty of January 15,
1819, with the Delaware Indians, dated March 24, 1831, they
were assigned, as a permanent home west of the Mississippi,
8

114 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

guaranteed to them by the treaty of 1819, the country in the
forks of the Kansas and Missouri rivers, extending up the
Kansas to the Kansas (Indian) line, and up the Missouri to
Camp Leavenworth, and tlience by a line drawn westwardly,
leaving a space ten miles wide, north of the Kansas (Indian)
boundary line, for an outlet, "the same to be conveyed and
forever secured to the Delaware nation as their permanent
residence."

The Shawnees, then residing in Missouri, were, by the treaty
of December 30', 1825, granted, for themselves and those
of their brethren then residing in Ohio, a tract of land equal
to fifty miles square, west of the State of Missouri; and the
same was afterward confirmed by a patent issued to them
by the United States.

In a treaty, concluded with the Miamis on the 6th Novem-
ber, 18-38, the United States stipulated "to possess the Miami
tribe of Indians, and guarantee to them forever, a country west
of the Mississippi, to remove to and settle on," the same to
be in a region contiguous to that in the occupation of the
tribes which had emigrated from Ohio and Indiana; and the
United States agreed to protect "the said tribe, and the peo-
ple thereof, in their rights and possessions, against the injuries,
encroachments, and oppressions of any person or persons,
tribe or tribes, whatsoever."

Without further recapitulation of the grants and covenants
to other tribes that were transplanted, under the act of May
28, 1830, it may be stated that the United States, in some
form, guaranteed to each and all that the new home should
be the 'permanent residence of the Indian tribes and their pos-
terity; that patents should issue to them, and that the coun-
try to which they removed should never be embraced within
the limits of any organized state or territory.

In this new home the Indians were to be i-elieved from all
the embarrassments, trials, and difiiculties by which they were
beset east of the Mississippi, and which had proved so fatal
to the race. As a rule, the tribes which were, by this process
of emigration, located west of Missouri, had not such aids
among their own people as those located west of Arkansas.
They were in small communities, and had comparatively but

OUR INDIAN WARDS, 115

few educated men among them, and of these there were some
who, previous to their removal, were dissolute in their habits;
and all such, at their new homes, had ample opportunity to
indulge in dissipation. Missions and schools vrere, however,
established among them, and numbers began to cultivate the
soil and raise stock. But there was no fixed policy adopted
by the government for the reclamation and civilization of
these Indians after they were transplanted. It appeared that
each individual acted on his ovrn motion, and elected to be a
nomad or a farmer. It was not far to the buffalo range, and
game was plentiful ; hence the temptation to roam and hunt
was very strong. Large numbers of each tribe were in the
habit of making two hunts during the year, occupying, in
each, from two to three months. The product of the hunt
was valuable, not only in the supply of food, but of robes
and skins. The government did not attempt to restrain the
Indians in their habit of hunting. Indeed, it seemed rather
to encourage them in it.

In the process of time, several manual labor schools were
established among these Indians, under the patronage of the
Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, Catholics, and Friends,.
and many of the Indian children were instructed at these
schools. At some period, probably during the Mexican war,
the annuities due to some of these tribes, for purposes of
civilization, were withheld, and hence there were balances in
their favor due and unpaid. This fact set a number of
sharpers after the Indians, who, by various devices, obtained
from the chiefs authority to collect this " lost money," as it
was termed; the Indians agreeing to allow, in many cases,
as a fee, one-half of the sum obtained. How far government,
agents and military officers had knowledge of these trans- i
actions, and participated in the spoil, can not be definitely
stated ; but there was abundant reason to believe that some
were corruptly engaged in them. Some of the chiefs were
also corruptly involved. As the facts became known they
•produced discontent among the Indians.

Following the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of
our possessions on the Pacific coast, emigration commenced.
HTumberless caravans began to cross the plains, and these

116 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

necessarily passed through the Indian reservations west of
Missouri. These intrusions had a very bad influence on the
Indians. Tliey were regarded by them as violations of their
treaty stipulations. Moreover, the emigrants were not mind-
ful of the rights of the Indians. Depredations were com-
mitted upon them; they were despoiled of their property,
personally abused, and frequently shot down. The reports
made by these emigrants of the character of the lands in the
Indian reservations induced many whites to invade them.
The fact that the Indian occupant had a " solemn " guaranty
from the government that this land he lived upon should be
to him and his posterity-a permanent home "forever" was
not respected. Even statesmen became uneasy because the
Indian territory was not thrown open to occupation and set-
tlement by the white man, some averring that it was an out-
rage that a country so fine should be occupied by hordes of
savages, to the exclusion of the white race. The " unabated
desire to bereave" the Indians of their lands, of which the
secretary of war spoke in 1826, when urging that the very
country now occupied by these tribes should be set apart for
the permanent homes of the Indians then residing in the
states, was now manifested more strongly than ever. The
pledge of the United States to every tribe that they should
be protected in the quiet enjoyment of the country assigned
them was derided and held of no avail. It was said that the
Indian was a treacherous barbarian ; that he had none of the
feelings or instincts of civilization ; that these could never be
imparted to him; that he was in the way of progress, and
must stand aside and givie room for the development of the
energies of those who were yearning to possess and subdue
the land. The agitation worked fearfully on the minds of the
Indians. But this fact did not disturb those who clamored
for the extinction of the Indian title. The contagion finally
entered Congress, and the same body which, ial830, author-
ized the president, by a law then passed, to procure this
country and assign it to the tribes that he might persuade to
emigrate to it, with the pledge that it should be to them and
their posterity a permanent home forever, in 1852, entertained
a bill and passed it through the House of Representatives to

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 117

organize the Territory of Nebraska, embracing many of these
Indian tribes within the limits of the same. The bill failed
in the Senate, but at the next session, in lieu of such bill,
there was inserted in 'the civil and diplomatic bill a clause
appropriating the sum of $50,000, to enable the president to
negotiate with the Indians, and obtain their consent to the
establishment of a territorial government west of Missouri
and Arkansas, and to embrace within its limits the lands iu
their reservations. v

In the month of August, 1853, the commissioner of Indian
afi'airs, by direction of the president, visited the Indian
country to confer with the various tribes, as a preliminary
measure, looking to negotiations with them for the purpose
of procuring their assent to a territorial government, and the
extinguishment of their title, in whole or in part, to the lands
owned by them. He found, when he reached the borders of
the Indian country, the people discussing, with some warmth,
the question whether portions of the land within it, Avere
not then open to settlement by the whites ; in fact, at that
time there were those who, holding the I'ight in the whites to
settle in the territory, had gone over the border to explore
the same with the intention of locating in it. Some months
previously Thomas '11. Benton had made a publication, taking
the ground that a' large portion of the country was then sub-
ject to the occupancy of the whites, without the consent of
the Indians or the aid of congressional legislation. He had
gone so far as to cause a map to be prepared and litho-
graphed, which he designated as an official map of " Ne-
braska," prepared by the commissioner of Indian affairs, at
the request of Colonel Benton, and published to show the
lands open to settlement therein. This map the commis-
sioner found in the hands of''"exploring parties, and in a note
published in a paper at Inde^pendence, Missouri, denounced
it, stating that he had never prepared a map for any such
purpose, and that in his judgment there was no land within
what was then known as Nebraska open to settlement.
These discussions and explorations had a very unfavorable
influence on the Indians. Reports reached them that bodies
of white men were coming into their country, to take posses-

118 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

sion of and drive them from it. In this condition of things
it was found very difficult to quiet the Indians and restore
them to a tranquil condition. Some were for lighting up
their fires " after the old Indian fashion," and confederating
for defense. As a general thing the elder Indians, who had
been transplanted, retained a vivid recollection of the prom-
ises made to them at the time of their removal, and the as-
surance that their present should be their permanent homes,
and that the white race should never interfere with thom or
their possessions, was prominently dwelt on by their speakers
in every council. Indeed, some of them displayed an earnest
eloquence when referring to the subject.

The commissioner visited the Omahas, Ottoes and Missou-
rias, lowas. Sacs and Foxes of the Missouri, Kickapoos,
iDelawares, "Wyandots, Shawnees, Pottawatomies, Sacs and
\Foxes of the Mississippi, Chippewas of Swan creek and
51ack river, Ottawas, Peorias and Kaskasldas, "Weas and
'iankashaws, and Miamis, all of whom, except the Omalias,
id Ottoes and Missourias, were Indians who had been trans-
planted by the government, in pursuance of the law of 1830.
BOe did not find these Indians as prosperous or as far advanced
iuicivilization as he had been led to expect from the reports
m^de from time to time of their condition. There were many
sp(^cimens, " noble specimens," he termed them, who had
fully adopted civilized pursuits, and were laboring to reclaim
and regenerate their race. lie found a number of good farm-
ers among them, with the improvements, conveniences, and
comforts of the white man; others, and in greater numbers,
who had rnde dwellings and fields, but with few of the com-
forts usual among civilized people, while there were some
who were unwilling to submit themselves to labor, and sought
every opportunity to indulge to excess in the use of whisky.
In the various schools there were found groups of intercstino-
children, and from examination and the opinion of the teach-
ers, the commissioner came to the conclusion that these
children were capable of equal mental culture with white
children, and learned as rapidly. Every thing about the
schools appeared in good order, and in them the ciiildren
obtained a fair education in the ordinary branches. In addi-

OTJR INDIAN" WARDS. 119

tion to tlie scbool training, the female children were taught
needle-work as well as ordinary house-work, and the boys
were taught to labor on the farm. The commissioner came
to the conclusion that the administration of the affairs of the
Indians was not wholly free from abuses, and that such of the
Indians as resided near Fort Leavenworth and the Missouri
line, were more demoralized than those who lived in locali-
ties more distant.

In 1854, treaties wore made with the Omaha, Ottoe and
Missouria, Sac and Fox of the Missouri, Iowa, Kickapoo,
Delaware, Shawnee, Kaskaskia, Peoria, Wea, Piankashaw,
and Miami Indians, and the Territories of Kansas and N
braska were organized. All of the lands of the Indians
except in the aggregate about one million three hundred
thousand acres, f-eserved for their homes, were ceded to the
government. Some of the tribes made their cessions in trust,
the net proceeds of the lands when sold to be paid them ;
others made unconditional cessions.

In negotiating with the Indians, the commissioner had con-
siderable difficulty, owing to the fact that outside influences,
seeking to mold the treaties to suit their views and interests,
were at work. As a case in point, the negotiations with the
Shawnees may be mentioned. The treaty was made at Wash-
ington City. The tract owned by the Shawnees, and for
which they held the patent of the government, was estimated
to contain sixteen hundred thousand acres of land. The
lowest figure placed on this land, reserving from the tract
a reservation of moderate dimensions for their home, was
eight hundred and twenty-nine thousand dollars, and this to
be paid cash in hand. After discussing the matter for per-
haps one week, the Indians consented to accept the sum
named in eight annual payments. The commissioner on the
part of the government desired the Indians to invest- the prin-
cipal in six per cent, bonds, yielding annually nearly fifty
thousand dollars interest, and endeavored to convince them
that this sum would be sufficient annuity, and with the yield
of their farms, if properly cultivated, would place them in
an independent position. But no argument could move them,
being, as it was quite apparent they were, under the control

120 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

of those professing to be friendly to them, but in fact only
scheming to have a large sum paid down, 'to the end that
they could reach it. The commissioner informed the govern-
ment of the state of the negotiations, and expressed the
opinion that it was not consistent with the interests of the
Shawnees (there were only eight hundred and fifty of them)
to have a hundred thousand dollars per year paid them, and
advised that the negotiations cease, and the delegation be sent
home, since it was probable that at some future time a more
appropriate and satisfactory arrangement, and one more in
harmony with the true interests of the Indians, could be
made. But such was the incessant clamor for opening the
country and letting in the white people, that the treaty, by
direction of superior authority, was concluded; With a view
to protect the Indians from the arts and wiles of those who
had become, quite expert in manipulating Indian matters,
and getting up "national obligations " for groundless claims
against the Indians, a clause was inserted in the treaty with
the Shawnees to this effect: "Wo portion of the money stip-
ulated by this instrument to be paid to the Shawnees, shall
be taken by the government of the United States, by its
agents or otherwise, to pay debts contracted by the Shawnees,
as individuals, nor any part thereof for the payment of na-
tional debts or obligations contracted by the Shawnee coun-
cil." When the treaty was under consideration in the Sen-
ate for its ratification, the following amendment was added
to the clause above quoted : "Fi^ovided, that this article shall
not be construed to prohibit the council from setting apart a
portion of any annual payment for purposes strictly national
in their character, and for the payment of national or tribal
debts, first to be approved by the president." The Indians
had under a former treaty a perpetual annuity, ample for any
sum that the council might need, and yet the Senate saw fit,
without any request from the Indians or from any true friend
of theirs, but through the influence of those who sought to,
and did control them as to the period in which the purchase
money should be paid, to make this amendment, and thus
open wide the door to the very abuse which the original
clause sought to guard against. The fact is simply noticed

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 121

here to show that the Senate of the United States was not
free from improper influences, when dealing with Indian
affairs.

In the annual report of the commissioner of Indian affairs,
dated ISTovember 2 5, 1854 , the condition of affairs, as they
then existed, and the effect upon the Indians likely to be pro-
duced, was dwelt on at some length. Among other things
the commissioner said : " In view of the facts above stated, I
am constrained to submit a few suggestions in relation to the
emigrated tribes in Kansas Territory, who, by the policy of
the government, adopted nearly thirty years ago, and reluct-
antly acquiesced in by them, were removed to, and became
inhabitants of, the country now embraced in this territory.
Already many of them have ceded, and it is expected that
others will cede, the larger portion of their lands to the
United States, for the use and occupation of our citizens.
The faith of the nation was pledged in the most solemn form,
before these tribes were removed to the west of the Missis-
sippi, that they should have the undisputed possession and
control of the country, and that the tracts assigned to them
therein, should be their permanent homes. It was called ' the
Indian Territory,' and the intercourse act made it unlawful for
white men to go into it, except on a license obtained and for
special purposes; and in this secluded home, it was beHeved
that the efforts of the government and the philanthropist to
civilize the red man, would be more successful than ever be-
fore. Such, however, was not the case. Our population
advanced rapidly to the line which was to be the barrier, and
with the emigration consequent upon our acquisitions from
Mexico, and the organization of our hew territories, neces-
sarily subjected the Indian to that kind of contact with the
whites, which was sure to entail on them the vices, while de-
prived of the good influences of civilization.

" In the recent negotiations for their lands the Indians dwelt
upon the former pledges and promises made to them, and were
averse generally to the surrender of any portion of their
country. They said that they were to have the land ' as long I
as grass grew or water run,' and they feared the result if they
should consent to yield any part of their possessions. "When

122 OUB INDIAN WARDS.

they did consent to sell, it was only on tiie condition that
each tribe should retain a portion of tlieir tract as a perma-
nent home. All were unitedly and firmly opposed to another
removal. So fixed and settled was this idea, that proposi-
tions clearly for their interests were rejected by them.

" The residences of the tribes who have recently ceded por-
tions of their lands, should, therefore, be considered (subject in
a few cases to a contraction of limits) as permanently fixed.
Ali-eady the white population is occupying the lands between
and adjacent to the Indian reservations, and even going west
of and beyond them, and at no distant day, all the country
immediately to the west of the reserves, which is worth occu-
pying, will have been taken up. And then the current of
population (until within a few years flowing only from the
east,), now comes sweeping like an avalanche from the Pacific
coast, almost overwhelming the indigenous Indians in its ap-
proaches. It is, therefore, in my judgment, clear, beyond
doubt or question, that the emigrated tribes in Kansas Terri-
tory are permanent!}' there — there to be thoroughly civilized,
and to become a constituted portion of the population, or
there to be destroyed and exterminated. What a spectacle
for the view of the statesman, philanthropist. Christian!
With reservations dotting the eastern portion of the territory,
there they stand, the representatives and remnants of tribes
once as powerful and dreaded, ns these are now weak and dis-
pirited. By alternate persuasion and force, some of these
tribes have bee^ removed step by step, from mountain to val-
ley, and from river to plain, until tiiey have been pushed half
way across the continent. They can go no further. On the
ground they now occupy, the crisis must be met, and tlieir
future determined. Among them may be found the educated,
civilized, and converted Indian, the benighted and inveterate
heathen, and every intermediate grade. But there they are,
and as they are, with outstanding obligations in their behalf,
of the most solemn and imperative character, voluntarily as-
sumed by the government. The'-r condition is a critical one ;
such as to entitle them not only to the justice of the govern-
ment, but to the most profound sympathy of the people.
Extermination may be their fate, but not of necessity. By a

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 123

union of good influences, and a proper effort, I believe they
may, and will be saved, and their complete civilization
effected.

" Be that as it may, the duty of the government is plain.
It should fulfill with the greatest promptness and fidelity,
every treaty stipulation with these Indians ; frown down at
the first dawning, any and every attempt to corrupt them;
see that their ample annuities are directed faithfully to their
education and improvement, and not made the means of their
destruction; incessantly resist the efforts of the selfish and
heartless men, who, by specious plans and devices for their
own gain, may seek to distract and divide them ; require dili-
gence, energy, and integrity i"n the administration of their
affairs, by the agents who may be intrusted with their inter-
ests and welfare ; and visit the severest penalties of the law
on all who may violate its salutary jDrovisions in relation to
them. Let these things be done, and the co-operation of the
civil officers, magistrates, and the good citizens of the terri-
tory secured, and the most active efforts of the friends of
the benevolent institutions now existing among them be
brought into exercise for their moral culture ; and by har-
monious and constant effort and action, a change may, and it
is believed will be, brought about, and Kansas become distin-
guished as a land in which the complete and thorough civil-
ization of the red man was worked out and accomplished." -,

A few months previous to the date of the report from which
the above is quoted, it was discovered that an association of
persons had seized upon a piece of land fronting on the Mis-
souri, below Fort Leavenworth, and laid out a town thereon,
called the city of Leavenworth. This act was in direct violation
of the treaty with the Delaware Indians ; yet the unlawful pro-
ceeding took place under the eyes of the military officers sta-
tioned at the fort. Indeed, some of them were active agents in
the transaction. The Indians were disturbed at what was tran-
spiring, and complained to the Indian office about it. The
example set in seizing the site of the city of Leavenworth was
contagious, and parties entered the Delaware tract, and placed
upon the land, at various points, such monuments as would,
as they hoped, give them, under the custom of " squatters"

124 OUR INDMN WARDS.

on the public land, a right of pre-emption. The commis-
sioner advised the Indians that all such persons were acting
unlawfully, and could derive no advantage by their acts. He
at the same time requested that all intruders should be ex-
pelled by the military force at the fort. lie said this was due
to the Indians, and if neglected, they would become dispirited
and lose confidence in the public authorities, in which event
all efforts to improve their condition must be unavailing. In-
stead of his efforts in this direction being met with in a proper
spirit, the military became quite indignant ; denounced the
commissioner, and defended the squatters, and the influence
of city lots in Leavenworth (the future great city of the "West,
as it was called) reached even to Washington, and found favor
in the huljs^of Congress. In the annual report of November,
1855, the^ commissioner^ thus refers to the condition of things
then existing in the territory, and its effect on the Indians :

" The peculiar condition of the emigrated tribes in Kansas
Territory was stated at some length in the last annual report.
They were removed thither under the most solemn assurances
and guarantees that the country assigned them should be to
them and their descendants a permanent home forever. In
retroceding large bodies of land to the United States, by which
portions of the territory were lawfully opened to the occupa-
tion and settlement of its citizens, neither the government
nor the Indians sought to change the guarantees and stipu-
lations of former treaties ; but they were recognized as obli-
gatory and binding within the tracts of land reserved for the
permanent homes of the Indians. The organic act of the ter-
ritory so regarded them, and it was expressly declared that
nothing in the act should 'be construed to impair the rights
of persons or propertj' now pertaining to the Indians in said
territory, so long as such rights shall remain unextinguished
by treaty between the United States and such Indians.' The
peaceful possession and quiet enjoyment of the tracts reserved
by the Indians for their homes are guaranteed and secured to
them by the faith of treaties and the laws of the land, and it
is to be regretted that, in different sections of the territory,
persons have trespassed upon their rights, by committing
waste, and even locating withiu and making improvements

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 125

upon the Indian lands. As cases have been reported, the
agents have been instructed to notify the wrong-doers that
their acts were in violation of the law and the faith of treaties,
and that they must cease their trespasses, and retire outside
of the Indian reservations. Many of the intruders have wholly,
disregarded, the admonitions and warnings of the officers of
the Indian service, and to compel obedience, and to vindicate
the good faith and authority of the government, in this behalf,
the military arm has been invoked and called into requisition ;
and under instructions recently issued, by direction of the
president, it is expected that all persons remaining unlawfully
upon any of the Indian reservations in Kansas Territory, after
a period to be fixed, and of which they will have notice, will
be forcibly ejected therefrom. However disagreeable it may_
be to resort to this extreme measure, the condition of the In-
dians is such as to require it, and the obligations of the United
States toward them can not be discharged without its appli-
cation.

" The executive of the territory, in fixing the election dis-
tricts and appointing voting places, and in establishing the
executive office, did not regard the organic law, which ex-
cluded Indian reserves from its operation, but, embraced sev-
eral reservations within the districts, and authorized polls to
be opened in them. He also established his executive office
within the Shawnee country. The territorial legislature, fol-
lowing his example, held its session at the Shawnee mission,
and by its enactments embraced some of the Indian reserves
within the organized counties, all of which is clearly a viola-,
tion of treaty stipulations and the act creating the territory.

" Many of the emigrants to, and settlers in, the Territory
of Kansas, are engaged in bitter controversy and strife in re-
lation to the institutions to be formed there, as applicable to
the condition of the African race ; yet the hostile factions
seem to have no sympathy for the red man, but, on the con-
trary, many of both sides appear to disregard his interests,
and trespass upon his rights with impunity."

The relief that was expected from the military arm of the
government was not obtained. The commissioner had ar-
raigned the officers implicated in the unlawful seizure of the

126 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

site of the city of Leavenworth, and suggested that the gravity
of the offense was siicli that they should be dismissed from
the service, which fact, and their sympathy for those who
were appropriating unlawfully portions of the Indian reser-
vations, made them unwilling agents. Moreover, tliey were^
sustained by the secretatr^^war. Some of the civil as w^
as judicial officers of the territoiy became enlisted on the side
of the squatters, having themselves been engaged in transac-
tions neither honorable nor lawful. Another year passed
away — a year of great disorder in Kansas — and in iNovember,
1856, the commissioner of Indian affairs thus alluded to it:
" The general' disorder, so long prevailing in Kansas Territory ,S
and the consequent unsettled state of civil affairs there, have|
been very injurious to the interests of many of the Indiaa
tribes in that territory. The state of affairs referred to with
the influx of lawless men and speculators incident and intro-
ductory thereto, have impeded the surveys and the selections
for the homes of the Indians, and otherwise prevented the
full establishment and proper efficiency of all the means for
civilization and improvement, within the scope of the several
treaties with them. The schools have not been so fully at-
tended, nor the school buildings, agency houses, and other im-
provements, as rapidly constructed as they might otherwise
have been. Trespasses and depredations of every conceivable
kind have been committed on the Indians. They have been
personally maltreated, their property stolen, their timber de-
stroyed, their possessions encroached upon, and divers other
wrongs and injuries done them. Notwithstanding all which,
they have afforded a praiseworthy example of good conduct
under the most trying circumstances. They have at no time,
that I am aware of, attempted to redress their own wrongs,
but have patiently submitted to injury, relying on the good
faith and justice of the government to indemnify them. In
the din and strife between the anti-slavery and pro-slavery
parties with reference to the condition of the African race
there, and in which the rights and interests of the red men
have been completely overlooked and disregarded, the good
conduct and patient submission of the latter contrast favor-
ably with the disorderly and lawless conduct of many of their

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 127

■white brethren, who, while they have quarreled about the
African, have united upon the soil of Kansas in wrong doing
toward the Indian !" As order and peace seemed in some de-
gree restored, the commissioner expressed the hope that the
good citizens of the territory would make haste to repair the
injury which the Indians had suffered by the wrong doing of
their white neighbors, and that thereafter they would treat
the Indians fairly, and resist the conduct of any lawless men
who might attempt to injure thera. iBut all appeals in favor
of the rights of the Indians were in vain. Within the bounds
of the territory, there appeared to be no spot of land occupied
by an Indian tribe that was free from lawless intrusion. y^

In 1860, a treaty was made with the Delaware Indians, by
which the tract of land reserved in the treaty of 1854, for
their permanent home, was conveyed to the^ Leavenworth,
Pawnee and Western Railroad (excepting only the tracts re-
served for the homes of a few individuals), upon the payment
of such sura in gold or silver coin, as three commissioners
appointed by the secretary of the interior should find to be
the value of the land. In July, 1862, another treaty was
made with the Delawares, by which the payment for the
lands ceded to the railroad company, amounting to 224,000
acres of veiy valuable land, was changed from gold and silver
coin to the bonds of the company, the appraised value of the
land being two hundred and eighty-seven thousand dollars,
for which sum twenty-eight bonds of the road, calling for ten
thousand dollars each, and the twenty-ninth bond for a frac-
tion of ten thousand dollars, were given, and to secure the
payment of these bonds, the railroad company gave a mort-
gage on one hundred thousand acres of the land purchased !
Then, on July 4, 1866, still another treaty was made with the
Delawares, in which they were made to say that they desired
to remove from the State of Kansas, and take up their abode-
in what is known as the Indian Territory, and the United .
States having, by treaty with the Cherokees, Creeks, and Sem-
inoles, and the Choctaws and Chickasaws, acquired the right
to colonize other Indian tribes within said territory, agreed
to sell to the Delawares a home in the same, equal in quan-
tity to one hundred and sixty acres for each of them, the

128 OUB INDIAN WARDS.

Indians agreeing to sell all their remaining land in Kansas to
the Missouri Eiver Railroad Company; or in default of a sale
to it, then the secretary of the interior was authorized to sell
the land to other parties ; and now we find this once power-
ful and historic nation of Indians, numbering about one
thousand souls, located in the Indian Territory, broken in
spirit, a monument of the debasing effects produced by the
process of removals to which they have been subjected for
three generations.

The ancestors of these Indians were with "William Penn at
the treaty of 1683 (then known as the Lenni Lenape, or orig-
inal people), and faithfully observed the conditions of the
agreement then made. One of their early sachems, ,Tama-
neud, or Tammany, left a name among his people which was
treasured with veneration, and they recounted his wisdom
and his virtues until his character rose so high with the col-
onists, that ho was in some sense canonized. It was said that
his virtues, and exploits both among th"^ white men and In-
dians, excited so much respect that after his death he was
held in such remembrance that the day of his birth was re-
garded as a holy day. It was among these Indians that Heck-
ewelder and others labored, and from their work arose an
interesting community known as the Christian Indians. In
that day, as well as now, there was a class of men who were
intent on invading the rights of the Indians, and if necessary
to accomplish their object, destroying them. Of such, Heck-
ewelder wrote : " I have yet to notice a class of people gener-
ally known to us by the name of ' backwoodsmen,' many of
whom, acting up to a pretended belief that 'an Indian has no
more soul than a buffalo,' and that to kill either is the same
thing, have, from time to time, by their conduct brought great
trouble and bloodshed on the country. Such, then, I wish to
caution not to sport in that manner with the lives of God's
creatures. . . . Believe that a time will come when you
must account for such vile deeds! — when those who have
fallen a sacrifice to your Avickedness will be called forth in
judgment against you! 'Na.y, when your own descendants
will testify against you."

The first treaty made by the United States with any Indian

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 1-9

nation was that of 1778, with the Delawares, at Fort Pitt.
They were then regarded as an equal power with the govern-
ment, and promised each to the other assistance in time of
war, and provisional arrangements were suggested for the
organization of an Indian 8tate,-with the Delawares at its
head, and to' have a representation in Congress. The Indians
agreed to and did furnish troops and supplies, and also fought
in the ranks in the war of the revolution. There were among
them a number of men of great force of character, and they
were perfectly reliable. They were parties to the treaty of
Fort Mcintosh, in 1785 ; Fort Harmer, in 1789 ; Greenville, in
1795; Fort Wayne, in 1803; Vincennes, in 1804; Fort In-
dustry, in 1805; Fort "Wayne, in 1809; Greenville, in 1814;
Rapids of the Maumee, in 1817; St. Mary's, in 1817. In this
process of treaty making the Delawares were found in 1829,
on the James Fork of White river, m the State of Missouri,
and on the 24th of September, 1829, agreed by a treaty made
at their home to remove to the coiintry in the fork of the
Kansas and Missouri rivers, the same to be conveyed and for-
ever secured to them as a permanent home. When we con-
template these facts, and reflect upon the broken promises and
bad faith which has been the lot of these people, it is not sur-
prising that they have wasted away.

The first treaty relation with the Kickapoos was in 1795..
They belonged to the quasi Indian confederacy formed many
years before. Their location was in Illinois. They were,,
with other tribes, parties to the treaties in 1803, 1810, 1814,
1815, 1816, 1820, 1821, 1833. By the terms of the treaty of
1833, they were given the country in Kansas where they re-
sided in 1854, when they ceded all their lands in Kansas tO'
the United States, except one hundred and fifty thousand
acres, reserved for their permanent home. In 1862, the
Kickapoos were induced to make another treaty, in which
such of them as desired to do so were given the right to
select individual homes, and a small tract was set apart to be
held in common by such of the tribe as preferred that course,,
and the residue of their land was conveyed to the Atchison and
Pike's Peak Railroad Company, and thus they, like the Dela-

130 OUK INDIAN WARDS.

wares, were divested of their inheritance by a raih'oad cor-
poration.

The Piankashaw, Wea, Kaskaskia, Peoria, Chippewas of
Eouche de Boeuf, Miami, and Wyandot Indians, all of whom
had early treaty relations with the government, after having
passed through this same process of treaty making as the
Delawares and Kickapoos, were finally landed in the Indian
Territory (Kansas), where they were to dwell forever. In
1854, they, too, surrendered most of their lands for the use
and occupation of citizens of the United States, reserving,
however, a small part. From these reserved lands they were,
by an omnibus treaty, proclaimed in 1868, in which all were
included, placed in the country of the ChoctaA\s and others,
there to brood over the injustice and wrong done them by the
white race. It is not deemed necessary to go further into
this narrative. Suffice it to say, that of all the emigrated tribes
which were transplanted under the act of May, 1830, and
whose reservations were within the limits of the State of
Kansas, there remained in l!fovember, 1877, within that state,
according to the report of the commissioner of Indian affairs,
two hundred and forty-eight Kiekapoos, four hundred and
fifty Pottawatomies, and sixty Chippewa and Mu usees. It is
painful to contemplate this phase of the Indian question, and
to note the many solemn promises and covenants made to
these Indians, at each successive removal, that it should be
the last one. '

Owing to the complications growing up between the Indians
and the whites, within the states, it was admitted in 1825 that
the government could not fulfill its obligations to these people,
unless they were transferred to a country to the west, which
was to be and remain forever outside of any organized state
or territory. The Indians yielded to the urgent demands
made upon them, and were, under the authority of the act of
May, 1830, removed. The fate of those who were at this
time located in Kansas, presents matter for the most serious
consideration of every friend of justice and humanity. TJie
whole record is one of broken promises and bad faith on the
part of our people and government.

The Chnrokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks were

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 131

enabled, from the time of their removal, to' overeoiiie all at-
tempts to make inroads upon them, and " bereave them of
their lands ;" and through the governments organized by them,
have advanced gradually in civilized pursuits, and increased
slightly in population. In 1866, treaties were made with
some of them, by which, in addition to the right granted to
locate and construct railroads through their reservations, a
clause was inserted, which may be regarded as dangerous to
their interests and their peace in the future. It is the clause
providing for the sale, to each railroad corporation, of every
alternate section of land, for six miles in width, along the
line of the same. Following this, there have been indica-
tions, in Congress, of a disposition to open these reservations
to the occupation and settlement of the white people. Al-
ready this agitation has been hurtful to the Indians. They
have, in each tribe, many men of intelligence, who realize
the danger. These understand that the organization of Kan-
sas Territory, and the general disorder that immediately fol-
lowed, and for years grew in volume, was the forerunner of
measures that finally disinherited their brethren in that terri-
tory, and they are sufficiently intelligent observers of passing
events to know that, in their case, in addition to the influ-
ences which prevailed in Kansas, there will be added the en-
ergy of powerful corporations having lines of railroad built
or contemplated through their reservations, in aid' of the
schenae for opening their cauntry to the occupation and set-
tlement of the whites. These influences argue that civiliza-
tion can not consent that such a body of land as these tribes
possess, shall remain, as much of it is, in a state of nature;
that it should be in possession of a race that will subdue the
land and bring it into cultivation. They ignore the fact
that these lands came from the government, of its own mo-
tion, to the Indians for a permanent home, in consideration
that they surrendered their homes east of the Mississippi, and
that the Indians have, in the most solemn form, the guaranty
of the government that the country they now own should be,
to them and their posterity, a permanent home forever, and
that it should always be, and remain, outside of the limits of
any organized territory or state. It is true that the lands

132 .. OUR INDIAN WARDS.

owned bSpK CiRfokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, and
Seminoles is in exces^of' whaf is necessary for their use, and
with their consent freely given, portions of it might be dis-
posed of without injury to them. There is, too, a class of
their own race to whom it would be a great boon to be located
on these reservations. All the Indians east of the Rocky
Mountains, and in and west of the mountains also, could be
gradually transferred to this Indian territory, and there pro-
vided with good homes; and it is believed that the Indians
owning it would assent, on fair terms, to an arrangement of
this sort; but at this time Congress stands in the way of such
a beneficent measure. The Sioux commission of 1876 in-
serted a clause, in their agreement witli the Sioux, for the'sur-
render of the Black Hills, looking to a gradual transfer of
the Sioux to the Indian Territory, and sent down a delegation
of the Sioux to inspect the country, with a view to that object.
When the agreement came before Congress for its approval,
that body made haste to strike o^it that part of it, and expressly
directed the president to prohibit such removal. This action
of Congress was, no doubt, quite gratifyingto the agents of the
corporations who have covetous eyes set upon the Indian reser-
vations within the Indian Territor}'; and it was not displeas-
ing to those opposed to the measure, who reside in Kansas,
Missouri, and Arkansas. Some few object to the transfer of
northern Indians to the Indian Territory, alleging that the
change of climate is disastrous to them, and offer as evidence
the sickness and deaths among the Pawnees, Poncas, and Jo-
seph's band of Nez Perees, that followed their removal.
There were causes, other than the change of climate, to pro-
duce the mortality among these Indians, to which reference is
made ; and, at the present time, it is presumed that their san-
itary condition is much improved. It is not believed there is
any thing substantial in this objection. The Cherokees, who
were southern Indians, suffered more, in their removal to the
Indian Territory, than any other tribe. Indeed, they lost
about one-fourth of their nuniber on the sad journey.

There is nothing that has yet appeared that is a valid reason
why northern Indians should not be colonized there, and it
does seem that the friends of Indian civilization ought to take

OUR INDIAN WARDS. • 133

j'mdiaa^e

hold of this matter of the integrity of theTndiaa^erritory,
and its dedication to the Indian race, jvith all their energy.
It is helieved, as stated, that the civilized nations residing in
and owning it, would be willing for the gradual colonization
of their brethren within the territory, and, under proper ar-
rangements, would engage to enter into the work, and aid in
the civilization of such tribes as might be colonized there. It
is a source of profound regret that the Indians in Kansas —
the colonized tribes — were dispossessed as they were, and by
reason thereof manj' of them nearly ruined and destroyed;
yet this fact, while it reflects forcibly on the conduct of the
white race, when dealing with the Indian, should not cause
despondency or doubt as to his capability to accept civiliza-
tion, and under proper care and training become a useful
member of society. There are manj living examples among
our Indian population, not only that the Indian is susceptible
of civilization, but thut he is capable of taking respectable
rank among the educated of our own race. Among the tribes
in Kansas, when the pro and anti-'slavery parties rushed in to
possess the land, there were many then so far advanced as to
qualify them for the proper discharge of the duties incum-
bent on civilized men in well-regulated communities. The
treatment that such ones, as well as all the Indians, received
from the maddened whites, who in their conduct disgraced
civilization and violated every principle, of humanity, is a
dark stain upon our nation's honor. In fact, the precipitate
legislation by which the country was thrown open to the oc-
cupation of the white race, in the face of the plighted faith
of the government, was a crime, and the whole country has
suffered the penalty. In the bitter discussions in Congress and
among the people, in relation to the prohibition of the insti-
tution of slavery in that territory, which assumed a sectional
character, the seed was sown which bore fruit and resulted in
our civil war.

134 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

CHAPTER VIII.

The eemotal of Indian tribes. — The stort of one kemovai- substantially

THE STORT OF ALL. — The REMOVAL OF THE SaNTEE SiOUX AND WlNNEBAOO

Indians. — The destruction of the buffalo and sjiall game. — Its effect
ON THE Indians of the plains.

The policy of removing Indian tribes from seat to seat, as
the white settlements pressed upon them, which was adopted
at a very eai-ly day, has at all times resulted disastrously to
the Indians. VlPhas also been a fruitful source of corruption.
It is believed rRat there are but few instances in which perfect
good faith, in all respects, has governed in the removal of a
tribe from an old to a new homeT^JIn numberless instances
removals have been brought abdut, not because there was a
necessity for them, but with a view to the plunder and profit
that was expected to result from the operation. A volume
could be filled with details of the most unhappy character;
gi'owing out of those removals, and in what preceded and
followed them, in which the Indians were cruelly treated and
the government defrauded.

A brief extract from a letter written in 1851, to an Indian
agent, by a member of a firm that had grown wealthy in In-
dian trade, and contracts for transportation and Indian re-
movals, will show not only the watchfulness of persons engaged
in such transactions, but illustrat^the mystery of correspond-,
ence in relation to operations among the Indians. The extract \
is as follows : " During this short session there has been much j
excitement, and but little efiected in these Indian matters/
Nothing done or moved in the Menominee matters ; they ar^
as before, and most likely will remain so for another year. In
the meantime, if the president requires them to remove west,
the contract for that object will be an object. Colonel Thomp-
son will be at Washington for some time, and so will my
brother. Write to them freely ; you will find them right and
true. If that could be carried out as we talked the matter
over, it would result in a good profit. Write \o my brother

OUE INDIAN" "WARDS.. 135

about this. I have said to him what was proposed between
you, Wright, and us. ... I am compelled to go in the
morning to St. Louis, to provide funds for our transportation
contract to New Mexico, and write in haste. "Will be back
ir twenty days. We must try and make this business tell well

yet."

In 1863, the government removed the Santee Sioux and
the Winnebago Indians from Minnesota to the Crow Creek
agency, on the Missouri river, about one hundred and fifty
miles above Yankton, in the Territory of Dakota. The guard
that accompanied these Indians consisted of four commis-
sioned officers, one hundred and thirty -five soldiers, and one
laundress — in all, one hundred and forty persons. The num-
ber of Santee Sioux transported was thirteen hundred and
eighteen. For the transportation and subsistence of these
Indians and the gnard, there was paid the sum of $36,322.10.
The number of Winnebagoes transported was nineteen hun-
dred and forty-five; for their transportation and subsistence
there was paid the further sum of $56,042.60— making the
whole amount paid the contractors, the sum of $95,864.70.

The Sioux were transported from Fort Snelling to Han-
nibal, Missouri, on two steamboats; one of the boats stopped
there, and the Indians on it crossed over to St. Joseph, on the
Missouri river, by rail. The other boat continued to the
junction of the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, and thence up
the latter to St. Joseph ; and here the Indians that crossed
over by rail were put upon the boat, and from thence to Crow
Creek all of them were on one boat. They were very much
crowded from St. Joseph to Crow Creek. Sixteen died on
the way, being without attention or medical supplies. All
the Indians were excluded from the cabin of the boat, and
confined to the lower and upper decks. It was in May, and
to go among them on the lower deck was suffocating. They
were fed on hard bread and mess pork, much of it not cookeil,
there being no opportunity to cook it, only at night, when the
boat laid up. They had no sugar, cofifee, or vegetables. Con-
finement on the boat, in such a mass, and want of proper food,
created much sickness, such as diarrhea and fevers. For
weeks after they arrived at Crow Creek, the Indians died at

136 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

the rate of from three to four per da^^ la a few weeks, one
hundred and fifty had died, mainly on account of the treat-
ment they received after leaving Fort Snelling. They were
landed at Crow Creek on the first day of June, 1863. The
season was unusually dry ; vegetation hurnt up, and no crop
grovping ; some corn had been planted, but did not get more
than four inches high before it wilted down.

During the summer, the Indians were fed on flour and pork.
They got no beef until fall. They suffered for want of fresh
beef, as well as for want of medical supplies. In the fall,
their rations began to fail, and the issue was gradually re-
duced, and the Indians complained bitterly. About the first
of September, a train of one hundred wagons arrived at Crow
Creek, from Minnesota, loaded with goods and supplies for the
Indian traders, and the Santee Sioux and Winnebago Indiana.
The only supplies for the Santee Sioux, brought by the train,
was flour. It was understood that when the train left Min-
nesota, it contained some corn for these Indians, but none
came to Crow Creek agency. Some pork was brought, but
none of it was issued to the Santee Sioux ; but was issued to
individual Indians in payment for work. After the arrival
of the train, the ration issued to the Indians was flour and
beef. The quantity was very short. The beef furnished was
from the cattle that hauled the supplies from Minnesota.
These cattle had traveled over three hundred miles, hauling
the train, with nothing to eat but the dry prairie grass, there
being no settlements on the route they came. The cattle were
vei-y poor. Some died or gave out on the trip, and su>6^ were
slaughtered, and the meat brought in on the train ^food
for the Indians. About the first of January, 1864, near four
hundred head of the cattle were slaughtered. Except the dry
prairie grass, which the frost had ^tilled, these cattle had no
food from the time they came to Crow Creek until they were
slaughtered. A part of the beef thus made was piled up
in the warehouse, in snow, and the remainder, in like
manner, packed in snow outside. This beef was to keep the
Indians until the coming June. The beef was black and very
poor ; indeed, the greater part only skin and bone. Shortly
after the arrival of the train from Minnesota, the contractors

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 137

for supplying the Indians with flour, took about one hundred
head of the oxen, selecting the best of them, yoked them up,
and sent them with wagons to Sioux City, some two hundred
aird forty miles, to haul up flour. This train returned in
February, and- these oxen were then slaughtered and fed to
the Indians.

In January, the issue of soup to the Indians commenced.
It was made in a large cottonwood vat, being cooked by steam
carried from the boiler of the saw-mill, in a pipe, to the vat.
The vat was partially filled with water, then several quarters
of beef chopped up were thrown into it, and a few sacks of
flour added. The hearts, lights, and entrails were added to the
compound, a»d in the beginning a few beans were put into
the vat, but this luxury did not continue long. This soup was
issued every other day — to tlie Santee Sioux one day, the alter-
nate day to the Winnebagoes. It was very unpalatable. On
the day the Indians received soup, they had no other food
issued to them. They were very much dissatisfied, and said
they could not live on the soup, when those in change told
them if they could live elsewhere, they had better go, but
that they must not go to the white settlements. Many of
them did leave the agency, some going to Port Sully, others
to Fort Randall, in search of food. From a description of
this nauseous mess, called soup, given by Samuel C. Haynes,
then at Fort Randall, and assistant surgeon in the military
service, it" is seen that the Indians had good cause to leave
Crow Creek. He states that therewerethrown into the " vat,
beef, beef heads, entrails of the beeves, some beans, flour,
and pork. I think there were put into the vat two' barrels of
flour each time, which was not oftener than once in twenty-
four hours. This mass was then cooked by the steam from
the boiler passing through the pipe into the vat. When that
was done, all the~ Indians were ordered to come with their
pails and get it. It was dipped out to the Indians with a long
handled dipper, made for the purpose. I can not say the
quantity given to each. It was about the consistency of very
thin gruel. The Indians would pour off the thinner portion
and eat that which settled at the bottom. As it was dipped
out of the vat some of the Indians would get the thinner por-

138 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

tions and some would get some meat. I passed there fre-
quently when it was cooking, and was often there when it
was being issued, and it had a very offensive odor; it had the
odor of the contents of the entrails of the beeves. I have
seen the settlings of the vat after they were through issuing
:t to the Indians, when they were cleaning the vat, and the
settlings smelt like carrion — like decomposed meat. The
Santees and Winnebagoes were fed from this vat ; some of
the Indians refused to eat it, saying they could not do so, as
it made them sick. The Winnebagoes protested against such
filthy cooking, and said they could not eat it ; they said it was
only fit for hogs, and they said they were not hogs."

ISTo clothing having been issued to the Santee Sioux or
"Winnebagoes since 1862, they suffered much for want of proper
apparel, and from this want, as well as from the lack of food,
many were induced to go out on a buffalo hunt, Mr. Will-
iamson, the missionary, went with them, although he was
fearful they might perish ; yet such were their necessities that
he encouraged them to go, fearing that if they did not they
would starve before spring. About three hundred went out
on the hunt in February. Mr. Williamson said that, in his
opinion, if all the Santees and Winnebagoes had stayed at
the agency during the winter, many of them would have
starved to death. They were out about six weeks. On their
return they found that the issue of soup had ceased, and the
ration consisted of flour and beef; the beef that had been
packed in snow during the winter. The ration consisted of
about one-fourth of a pound of flour and three-fourths of
a pound 6f beef, per head, per day, during the spring and
summer. The flour had been hauled some three hundred,
miles in wagons, without cover, and from rainfall on the
way, such was the condition of the sacks containing the
flour, that after all the loose flour was knocked out of them,'
some of the sacks weighed thirty pounds. This flour was,
issued to the Indians at ninety-eight pounds to the sack. It
was all inferior flour. During the winter of 1864-5, the beef ^
was killed and packed in the same manner for the Santee
Sioux, and the result was that many of the Indians left in
search of food. It is stated that many of them went to dif-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 139

ferent points where military expeditions had camped, to pick
up the scattered coi-n that had been left by tlie horses and
mules, when fed, for the purpose of eating it, and also to pick
up the dead mules and horses to eat. Mr. Williamson states
that such treatment had a demoralizing influence on the
Indians, many of the women being compelled to prostitute
themselves in order to get something to eat.

The Winnebagoes, not by reason of any thing done by them,
but because of the massacre of the whites by the Sioux in Min-
nesota, in 1862, andthe excited feeling growing out of that sad
affair, were compelled to leave their reservation in that state. ^
Congress, in response to the demand of the people in the re- ^
gion in which they lived, passed an act pi'oviding for their
removal. They had no previous warning, and remonstrated .
against this act of injustice, but their protest was unheeded.'
They were, as stated, taken on boats, and carried down the
Mississippi and up the Missouri to Crow Creek. All were
dissatisfied with their treatment on the journey, and their lo-
cation at Crow Creek. Much sickness prevailed, and many
died. They were living in Minnesota in peace and quiet, and
had been so for years. They had made considerable advance-
ment in civilization. Many of them had farms and houses,
and had acquired habits of industry and economy. Such was
their dissatisfaction at Crow Creek, that large numbers of
them during the summer and fall made their waj' down the
Missouri in canoes, landing at different points, where thej"^
managed to live through the winter of 1868-4. It is said that
at the time of their forcible removal they were supplied with
grain, stock, implements of husbandry, etc., most of which
were stolen or destroyed, since they were unable to take their
property with them. Little Hill, a "Winnebago chief, thus told
the story at Dakota City, Nebraska, to a member of the joint
committee of Congress, charged with the investigation of In-
dian affairs in 1865. The chief said :

" You are one of our friends, as it appears. We are very
glad to meet you here. Here are some of our old chiefs with
me, but not all. And we will tell you something about how
we have lived for the four years past. Now you see me here
to-day. Formerly I did not live as I now do. We used to

140 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

live in Minnesota. While we lived in Minnesota we used to
live in good houses, and always took our Great Father's ad-
vice, and did whatever he told us to do. We used to farm
and raise a crojD of all we wanted every year. - While we
lived there we had teams of our own. Each family had a
span of horses or oxen to work, and had plenty of ponies;
now we have nothing. While we lived in Minnesota another
trihe of Indians committed depredations against the whites,
and then we were compelled to leave Minnesota. We did
not think we would be removed from Minnesota, never ex-
pected to leave ; and we were compelled to leave so suddenly
that we were not prepared; not many could sell their ponies
and things they had. The superintendent of the farm for the
Winnebagoes was to take care of the ponies we left there,
and bring them on to where we went, but he only brought to
Crow Creek about fifty, and the rest we do not know what
became of them. Most all of us had put in our crops that
spring before we left, and we had to go and leave every thing
but our clothes and household things; we had but four days'
notice. Some left their houses just as they were, with their
stoves and household things in them. They promised they
would bring all our ponies, but they only brought fifty, and
the hostile Sioux came one night and stole all these away.
In the first place, when we started from Minnesota they told us
they had got a good country for us, where they were going
to put us. . . . After we got on a boat we were as though
in a prison. . . . We were fed on dry stuff all the time.
. . . After we got there [to Crow Creek] they sometimes
gave us rations, but not enough to go round most of the time.
Some would have to go without eating two or three days. It
was not a good country; it was all dust. Whenever we
cooked any thing it would be full of dust. We found, after
a while, that we could not live there. Many of them [the
women and children] died because they could not get enough
to eat. We do not know who was to blame. . . . They
had a cottonwood trough made and put beef in it, and some'*
times a whole barrel of flour and a piece of pork, and let it
stand a whole night, and the next morning, after cooking it,
would give us some to eat. We tried to use it, but many got

OUR INDIA.N WARDS. 141

I ■■

sick on it and died. I am telling nothing but the truth. They
also put in the unwashed intestines of the beeves, and the
liver and the lights, and after dipping out the soup, the
bottom would be very nasty and offensive. . . . The
pork and the flour that we left in Minnesota that belonged
to us, was brought over to Crow Creek and sold to us by our
storekeepers at Crow Creek. . . . For myself, I though£^
I could stay there for a while, and see the country. But I
found it wasn't a good country. I lost six of my children,
and so I came down the Missouri. When I got ready to start
some soldiers came there and told me if I started they would
fire on me. I had thirty canoes ready to start. No one in-
terceded witk the soldiers to permit me to go ; but the next
night I got away, and started down the river; and when I got
down as far as the town of Yankton, I found a man there and
got some provisions ; then came on down further and got more
provisions, and flien went on to the Omahas. After we got
to the Omahas somebody gave me a sack of flour, and some
one told us to go to the other side of the Missouri and camp,
and we did so. We thought we would keep on down the
river, but some one come and told us to stay, and we have
been there ever since."

Little Hill's narrative is quite lengthy, and in all its parts
is corroborated by Big Bear, Little Chief, and Deeorah, all
"Winnebago chiefs. Big Bear, in his testimony, contrasts the
treatment of the Indians with what it was " many years ago "
when they lived in-the State of Iowa, " when the men used to
get two pairs of blankets apiece, but we do not know (said
he) what becomes of the goods now."

The story of these Indians is a sad but a truthful one; and
is, in a certain sense, the story of all Indian removals; for,
while precisely the sa"me train of-events may not have marred
the pathway of all Indians in the process of removal, and the
incidents preceding and following, yet all have suffered
seriously, many being subjected to barbarous and inhuman
treatment. When attempts have been made to remove an
Indian tribe with fideli-ty, and to extend to the Indiana on the
journey the semblance of such treatment as is due to human
beings such cases being exceptional — disaster, discomfort,

142 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

and suffering have been experienced. With such incidents
repeated frequently in the life of each generation, as tokens
of our civilization, should we be surprised that the savage is
distrustful of us, and hesitates to accept as genuine our pro-
fessions of friendship ? The joint committee of Congress that
investigated the transactions connected with the removal of
the Santee Sioux and Winnebago Indians, in reporting upon
the case, said : " Of one" thing we may be assured, that no
government can permit such injuries to go unredressed with-
out incurring the penalty of treaties broken and justice vio-
lated." This committee gathered a vast amount of testimony
in relation to our Indian atiairs in all sections, from the Mis-
sissippi river to the Pacific ocean, wherever Indians were
located, and, among other things, came to the conclusion that
'In a large majority of cases Indian wars were to be traced to
j , the aggressions of the whites, and that such wars were very
j destructive, not only of the lives of the wa'rriors, but of the
' women and children also, often becoming wars of extermiua-
'^^tion. The committee say: "The indiscriminate slaughter
of men, women, and children has frequently occurred in In-
dian wars."

As a remedy for existing evils this committee proferred a
bill to Congress, creating five boards of inspectors of Indian
afi'airs, each to have a section of country within the states
and territories, inhabited by Indians, composed of " men of
high character, and organized in such manner and clothed
with such powers as to supervise and inspect the whole ad-
ministration of Indian aft'airs in its threefold character — civil,
military, and educational." The report of the committee,
with the testimony taken by it, forms a volume of more than
five hundred pages, which may, prolmbly, be found stowed
away in the document room at the capitol, in Washington,
but the grave matters to which it called attention, have met
with the same fate that kindred subjects, in previous and sub-
sequent reports, involving the interests of a race, have re-
ceived. Congress has signally failed to do its duty in the
premises.

The constant agitation of the removal of Indian tribes has
a very pernicious influence on the Indians. This agitation is

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 143

kept up by the white people who live adjacent to and desire
to possess themselves of the Indian lands. Unfortunately,
■Congress seems ever ready to gratify the desire of the whites
to bereave the Indian of his home. A few examples of the
effect produced by such agitation, are here presented from the
annual report of the Hon. E. A. Hayt, commissioner of In-
dian affairs for the year 1877 :

The agent of the Selitz agency, in Oregon, says : " Hearing,
as they constantly do, that the government is soon to drive
them from the land they now occupy, in order to make
room for the whites who want homes, they sometimes get
discouraged, and conclude it is useless to improve what they
are so soon to vacate."

The agent of the Grand Rounde agency, in Oregon, says :
" The Indians in this agency are kept in a constant state of
insecurity^y reports of whites with whom they come in con-
tact, to the effect that the\' are soon to be removed."

The agent at Fort Defiance, Arizona, says : " The Indians
are much attached to their homes, and dislike the idea of re-
moval."

The agent of the Kickapoos, in Kansas, says : " Many prac-
tical and progressive Indians have been discouraged and de-
terred from making improvements, upon which they had
determined, tlirough fear that they would not be allowed to
«njoy the benefit of them."

The agent of the Ottoe Indians, in Nebraska, says : " The
subject of removal that has been agitating these Indians for a
number of years, has prevented, to a very great extent, active
improvements among them."

It will not be necessary to make further quotations from
similar reports, to call the attention of all reflecting people to
the subject, in order that the bad influences growing out of
Indian removals may be understood. As a general thing
there is no valid argument in favor of the removal of a tribe,
when they are favorably located on land on which they can
make their support. Eemovals simply to oust the Indians
and let the whites have their land, must hav& an end. Every
consideration founded in economy, justice, and humanitj', de-
mands that the Indian have a fixed and settled home — to be

144 OUR INDIAN WABDS.

in fact permanent. Without it his doom is sealed, and t
extinction of the race only a question of time. With a p(
manent home, fair dealing, and just treatment, the civilizati
and elevation of the race in the social scale is assured. I
it once be proclaimed as the unalterable law of the land tli
Indian removals must cease; that the settler's patent is n
more sacred than the Indian title to his land; that his hor
is his castle, and the stride of the red man on the road
progress will astonish his white brother, and ere long, inste
of the constant pressure to remove him from his home,
will have the confidence and even sympathy of his whi
neighbor.

When the commission appointed to endeavor to compc
the trouble with Joseph's band of 1^-ez Perce Indians (in i
lation to the Wallowa valley, in Oregon, claimed by tl
band), held council with them in 1876, and asked them
abandon their claim to the valley, within which a few whit
were settled, that chief said : " The earth was his moth(
He was made of the earth, and grew up upon its boso]
The earth, as his mother and nurse, was sacred to his aifc
tions, too sacred to be valued by, or sold for silver or gol
lie could not consent to sever his affections from the lai
that bore him. . . He asked nothing of the preside!
He was able to take care of himself. . . He was dispos
to live peaceably. He and his band had suffered wron
rather than do wrong. One of their nunibcF wiis wicked
slain by a white man last summer, but he would not aven,
J)i8 death. But unavenged by him, the voice of that brothe:
blood, sanctifying the ground, would call the dust of th(
fathers back to people the land in protest of this gre
wrong." The attachment exhibited by Joseph for the lai
on which he was born, is common to all Indians, and the se
timents uttered by the chief, indicate that with proper hel
toward civilization, the race to which he belongs might I
come an element in our society, not only bearable, but desii
ble. When this chief or some of his people, driven to d(
peration by oppression, and the forcible attempt to comj
ihem to yield up the Wallowa valley, rose in resistance, toi
the lives of some of the white settlers, and then comraenc

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 145

•

that masterly retreat toward the British Possessions, such was
his military skill and exemplary conduct, pursued as he was
by various military commanders, with fresh troops, as to not
only create surprise, but impress the reading public with a.
high appreciation of his character.

There is not at this time a'Single Indian reservation in any
western state, or in any territory, on which intruders may not
at all times be found ; while in many the " squatters " are
almost as numerous as the Indians, and have such force and
influence that they can not be, or at least are not, removed..
The government has lamentably failed in making good its
treaty pledges, that Indians within their reservations shall be
undisturbed by the intrusion of the whites. There are, in
our past history, a few notable instances where the whites-
have been expelled, and in more recent years a few spasmodic
eflbrts have been made, rather to appease the Indians for th&
time being, than to drive out the outTaws ; but no persistent
and determined course has been adopted to compel implicit
obedience to law on the part of the whites, and to fulfill, in
good faith, our obligations to tlie Indians. In addition to the
class of persons who "squat" on Indian lands for the pur-
pose of residing and cultivating, or taking the timber from
them, there is another large class who invade the reservation
to rob and plunder the Indians. The effect, as may well be
expected, is-to make the Indians i-estless ; to check their pro-
gress; to engender strife, ofteu resulting in loss of life ; and
in such cases, frequently troops move to the scene of disorder,
not to drive off the intruders, but to punish the Indians, aa
though they were the aggressors, and the matter terminates,
finally, in tlae expulsion of the tribe, and its removal to a new_
home 1

The incessant destruction of the buffalo and other animals,
as well as the game on the western prairies and the plains, and
even in the mountain territories, has been a source of great
injury to the native inhabitants. It has deprived the wild
tribes of the support on which they had relied from time im-
memorial, and often induced them to take to the war-path.
As well might we expect the farmers in agricultural regions
10

146 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

•

to witness with composure the destruction of their crops by
an invading force, as to suppose that the nomad Sioux, Chey-
enne, Arapahoe, Kiowa, or Comanche could witness the de-
struction of the animals and game on which they relied for
sustenance, with indifference. "When treaties were made, in
1867-8, with these Indians, assigning specific reservations
to them, the right to roam and hunt was guaranteed to them
in the territory outside of the same. By this right the In-
dians not only acquire4 food, but tlie hides of the buffalo they
killed were made into robes, and, with the skins of other
animals, were sold, and thus they were supplied with such
things as were useful and necessary. ZSTotwithstanding this
fact, there has been a systematic and continuous effort to de-
stroy the buffalo, as well as the small animals and game
abounding at that time in certain localities. lu Dodge's
" Plains of the Great West," a recent publication, "William'
Blackmore, a distinguished and intelligent Englishman, who
has for many years made excursions over our western plains,
wrote the introductory chapter, and in it referred at some
length to the destruction of the buffalo. lie said:

"Before refer ling to the Indian tribes, I desire to add my
testimony to that of Colonel Dodge, as to the wholesale and
wanton destruction, during the last few years, of the buffalo.
"When one reads of the total destruction, during three years
(1872-3-4), of four millions and a half of the 'black cattle
of Illinois,' out of which number upward of three million
have been killed for the mere sale of their hides, it is at first
almost impossible to realize what this slaughter represents,
and how much good and nutritious animal f(jod, which would
have fed the red men as well as the hardy settlers of the
' Great West,' has been wasted.

" The figures speak for themselves. When in the West, in
1872, I satisfied myself, by personal inquiries, that the number
of buffalo then being annually slaughtered for their hides,
was at least one million per annum. In the autumn of 1868,
whilst crossing the plains, on the Kansas Pacific Railroad, for
a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, between Ells-
worth and Sheridan, we passed through an almost unbroken
herd of buffalo. The plains were blackened with them ; and

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 147

•more than once the train had to stop, to allow unusually lai'ge
herds to pass. A few years afterward, when traveling over
the same line of railroad, it was a rare sight to see a few herds
of from ten to twenty bufial^ A like result took place still
further southward, between th^ Arkansas and the Cimarron
rivers. In 1872, while on a scout for about a hundred miles
south of Fort Dodge, to the Indian^erritory, we were never
out of sight of bufl'alo. In the following autumn, on travel-
ing over the same district, whilst the whole country was
whitened with bleached and blackening bones, we did not
meet buffalo until we were well in the Indian Territory, and
then only in scanty bands. During this autumn, while riding
some thirty to forty miles along the north bank of the Ar-
kansas river, to the east of Fort Dodge, there was a con-
tinuous line of putrescent carcasses, so that the air was rendered
pestilential and oftensive tcJ the last degree. The hunters had
formed a line of camps along the banks of the river, and had
shot down the buffalo, night and morning; as they came to
drink. In order to give some idea of the numbers of these
carcasses, it is only necessary to mention that I counted sixty-
seven on one spot, not covering more than four acres.

" But this great loss of good and wholesome animal food,
all of which, with a little judgment and foresight, could have
been utilized, will be better understood by a reference to the
statistics of cattle in other countries. On reference to the offi-
cial agricultural returns of Great Britain, the United Kingdom,
and British Possessions, and foreign countries, it will be seen
that the wanton and wasteful slaughter for the three years in
question (and in making the comparison I am keeping to the
legitimate slaughter for hides, and not legitimate tor food), swept
away more buffalo than there are cattle in Holland and Bel-
gium, or as many as three-fourths of the cattle in Ireland, or
one-half of those in Great Britain.

" The result, therefore, would be the same as if a fearful
murrain in one year had destroyed the whole of the cattle in
Holland and Belgium, or, in the same time, if either three-
fourtbs of the cattle in Ireland, or one-half of those in Great
Britain, had been swept away by a plague as great as that of
Jlgypt.

148 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

" The citizens of the United States will better realize this
great waste, if they consider that this destruction amounted
annually to more than double of the annual drive of the cat-
tle from Texas, which ranges from three hundred and fifty
thousand to five hundred thousand head per annum ; or that
it would have beeu the same, during the three years, as if
half the cattle of Texas, or all the cattle in Canada, had been
carried off" by some dire disease.

"The mere loss of food, however, is not the only evil which
has resulted from the wanton wastefi.ilness. Many of the
wild Indians of the plains, deprived of their ordinary suste-
nauce, government rations not being forthcoming, and driven
to desperation by starvation, have taken to the war jiath ; so
that, during the present war, many of the Cheyennes and
Arapahoes, and some of the young braves from the friendly
' Red Cloud ' and ' Spotted Tail ' agencies, have left their reser-
vations and joined the hostile Sioux under ' Sitting Bull' The-
hardy settler and pioneer of the plains, who always looked to
the buffalo for his winter supply of meat, has been deprived
of this resource, and complains most bitterly of this slaughter
for pelts."

Mr. Blackmore pursues this subject at considerable length,
and expresses surprise that the government should tolerate it,
while seeking to enforce economy in all departments, and
suggests, that " as it was allowed," it was a proper source of
revenue as well as the seal in Alaska, and that for buffalo-,
killed annually for the hides alone, a reasonable tax on each
hide would have brought millions into the treasury. So far
as the destruction of the buffido deprived the wild Indian of
his most desirable and natural food, the deficiency had to be-
supplied by the issue of rations, thus putting an additional bur-
den of millions on the treasury of the nation.

A vast number of buffalo, as well as deer, etc., and the small
game, have been killed by parties visiting the plains for the ex-
press purpose of hunting, and such parties, if successful, are
profuse in the destruction of such game as falls in their way.
In the country surrounding military posts the pursuit of the
buffalo and other game is an amusement that the officers en-
gage in, and the visitors to the posts are generally entertained

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 149

with a hunt. Col. Dodge, in his book, refers to the pleasure
of hunting as only an expert could. He thinks there is a
vast deal of " enjoyment" in it, especially in a country where
game is in great variety. He gives a specimen of a twenty
days' hunt in the country south of Fort Dodge, on the tribu-
taries of the Cimarron river, in the month of October, 1872,
accompanied by three English gentlemen and an officer of the
post. They killed 127 buffalo, 20 deer, 11 antelope, 154 tur-
keys, 5 geese, 223 teal, 45 mallard, 49 shovel-bill, 57 widgeon,
38 butter-ducks, 3 sheldrakes, 17 herons, 6 cranes, 187 quail, 32
grouse, 84 field-plover, 33 yellow-leg snipes, 12 jacksnipes, 1
pigeon, 9 hawks, 3 owls, 2 badgers, 7 raccoon, 143 meadow-
larks, doves, robbins, etc., 1 bluebird, and 11 rattlesnakes —
total, 1,262. The next year the same party, diminished by
one, went over nearly the same ground, with a bag of like
variety, numbering 1,141. The colonel exults at the success
of his party, and thinks it might challenge the whole world
"to offer a greater variety of game to the sportsman."

The wanton waste that this exhibit of the work of Col.
Dodge's company of sportsmen presents, and the effect such
destruction must have on the minds of the Indians who were
compelPed to witness it all, does not seem to trouble him in
the least. Mr. Blackmore was one of the gentlemen who
made up Col. Dodge's hunting party, and while they can see
an impropriety, a wanton waste in the destruction of the buf-
falo, by those who kill the animal for the pelts, neither of
-them seems to be at all concerned at the destruction and waste
produced by the hunting parties, who go out chiefly for the
excitement and amusement growing out of these expeditions.
The destruction of the bufltalo and the game has, however,
the same effect on the mind and temper of the Indian,
whether done by professional hunters or by gentlemen who
go out on a hunting excursion merely for the enjoyment im-
parted by the sport. He looks upon the matter in a practical
sense. It destroys his means of subsistence, deprives him of
the pecuniary aid supplied by the sale of the robes and skins,
and fills his mind with mingled feelings of despondency, des-
peration, and revenge.

In his work, Col. Dodge states that it was his " desire and

150 OUR INDIAN WAEBS.

intention to have furnished complete and authentic official
statistics of the number of hides of buffalo transported over
the different railroad routes, and thus obtain a pretty accurate-
knowledge of the numbers actually killed." To that end he
made application, "either direct or through friends, to the
officers of the various railroads which bring this product to
market." To his very great surprise he states that he soon
found he was treading on most delicate ground, the authori-
ties of but one prominent road giving the desired information.
After offering reasons which he considered futile why his re-
quests were not complied with, Col. Dodge says that he was
" constrained to believe that the refusal is prompted by fears
that publicity in this matter might result in some legislation
which would interfere with profits." This language seems
rather cool, coming from one who, in many years' service on
the plains, has done his share in destroying the subsistence
of the native population, and thus actively aided in indelibly
fixing in the minds of the Indians the impression that the
white race is imbued with cruel and bitter feelings toward
the red man. To cap the climax, Col. Dodge, like the most
of military officers, is ready to join in the denunciation of the
Indian as an irreclaimable savage, devoid of any noble im-
pulses ; that he will not voluntarily do any thing good ; that
he must be compelled, by punishment and force ; in short, that
he must be given over to the army, and by the bayonet re-
ceive lessons in civilization.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 151

CHAPTER IX.

The Indians on the Pacific slopeJ Texas, New Mexico, and the territory

EMBRACED IN UtaH, NeTADA, IdAHO, MoNTANA, WtOMING, COLORADO, ARI-
ZONA, AND PART OP Dakota. — The incursions op whites previous to ant

ARRANGEMENT WITH THE INDIANS.— COMPLICATIONS, WARS, AND TREATIES. —

DestriiCtion OP Lieutenant Grattan's command. — Harney's campaign. —
Operations op Lieutenant Dunn and Major Dowling.— Black Kettle's
visit to Denver. — Chitikgton's attack on his village. — Destruction
OP Colonel Fetterman's command. — Campaign op General Hancock. —
Burning of the Cheyenne village, etc.

With the vast territory which came to the United States
at and shortly after the close of the war with Mexico, our In-
dian population was largely increased. Some of the Indians
on the coast in California, and the Navajoes and Pueblo In-
dians in New Mexico, were sufficiently civilized to be self-
supporting ; but the greater part of the Indians within our
newly acquired territory were uncivilized. Moreover, the In-
dians east of the Eocky Mountains, and west of Missouri,
Arkansas, and Iowa (except those transplanted from the east
of the Mississippi), were generally wild horsemen. The ex-
citement through all the states in relation to the gold dis-
covered in our new possessions, induced an immense emigra-
tion, which at first was chiefly directed to California, Wash-
ington, and Oregon. Many reached the Pacific slope by ship-
ping from our Atlantic seaports to the isthmus of Panama,
thence across to the Pacific, and thence by vessel to San Fran-
cisco and other places on the coast, and from there into the
interior. Large bodies, however, passed to the frontier of
Missouri and Iowa, and thence across the plains. This gold-
hunting emigration went in advance of any arrangements
with the Indians, and was in no sense mindful of their rights.
The result was that complications grew up and wars ensued,
in which both races suffered. In the progress of trime the
government sent a board of commissioners to the Pacific
slope to make, if possible, such arrangements as would quiet

152 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

the Indians, and at the same time assure to the emigrants
protection. Congress made haste to pass a law granting
homesteads to actual settlers. This law was passed before
any steps were taken to extinguish the Indian title. These
homestead grants stimulated emigration. On portions of the
Pacific coast and in ISTew Mexico there was some population
other than Indian, but of such very few were natives of the
United States. "When the "Americans" first entered the
country and came in contact with the Indians, they generally
met with no opposition. Occasionally a petty theft was com-
mitted, and some provisions or stock stolen, and for such
oflfenses the punishment m.eted out to the savage was death.
It was not long before the natives were killed, when met,
simply because they were Indians.

As stated, commissioners were sent out by the government
to Oregon, "Washington, and California, for the purpose of
negotiating with the Indians. It would seem from the first
official report of Messrs. Gaines, Skinner, and Allen, who
were operating in Oregon, that their instructions required
that wherever a treaty was made with an Indian tribe, the
entire Indian title must be extinguished, and no reservation
left on which the tribe should dwell. These commissioners, in
their correspondence, said : " We found ourselves compelled,
against the wish of the government, as expressed in our in-
structions, to accede to reservations in the land purchased.
. . . The habitations of these people are, so far as regards
place, not only permanent but hereditary, and they are pos-
sessed of local attachments of the strongest kind." Of the
land reserved for the use of the Indians they said : " That
these reservations will cause any considerable annoyance to
the whites we do not believe. They consist, for the most
part, of ground unfitted for cultivation, but suited to the pecu-
liar habits of the Indians." These representatives of the
go-vernment took care to consult with the whites adjacent to
the reservations, and since the land within them was unfit for
cultivation, and the boundaries were adjusted to their satis-
faction', no objection was made. Indeed, the commissioners
said, " in most cases we found no desire felt to remove the In-
dians altogether, as they render themselves useful in many

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 153

"ways, as laborers and servants." Referring to the Indians ia
western Oregon, the commissioners say: "In their present
condition they are peaceful and harmless, and the origin of no
other mischief than an occasional petty theft, although subject
to certain temptations from intercourse with the whites."
Very soon after the occupation of the Oregon territory by
our adventurers, they established a provisional government,
and one of the first laws enacted by it had a provision in it that
no negro, mulatto, or Indian should be a witness in any court
against a white man, and the act of Congress organizing the
territory provided that " the laws now (then) in force in the
Territory of Oregon, under the authority of the provisional
government, established by the people thereof, shall continue
to be valid and operative therein, so far as the same be not
incompatible with the constitution of the United States, and
the principles of this act."

The commissioners operating in California, McKee, Barbour,
and Woozencroft, at an early day gathered the representatives
of sixteen different bands of Indians, at Camp Barlow, on the
San Joaquin river, and concluded a treaty with them for their
lands, reserving a tract along the foot hills of the Sierra !CTe-
vada, for an Indian reservation for these bands, of which the
■commissioners say, that " while apparently liberal in extent, it
is not likely to be ever coveted by the whites, and as a general
thing is of no value for common agricultural purposes. It is
also outside the mining or gold district, and so far as we can
ascertain, not more than one Mexican grant, and that of very
doubtful authenticity, covers any part of it." The commis-
sioners further say that " the Indians we have met here are,
generally, a hale, healthy, good-looking people, not inferior to
their red brethren in the southwestern states; and from having
among them many who, in early life, were attached to the old
missions of this country, have already some knowledge of
letters, stock raising, and agriculture. We think they will,
therefore, make rapid improvement, when schools, etc., shall
be established among them."

The emigration was incessant, and those who came paid no
attention to the reservations assigned to the Indians. It did
not matter with them whether the land could or could not be

iT'

154 OUR INDIAN "WAEDS.

cultivated; it was believed that gold was hidden in the earthy
and hence it was invaded by the whites. If the Indians man-
ifested dissatisfaction, they were rudelj' treated, if not killed.
It was not long until the respect originally manifested for the
"Americans" was supplanted by disgust and hatred. The
encroachments of the whites and their unjust conduct toward
the natives, finally brought on the Oregon and Washington
war, in which the lives of many of our citizens and soldiers^
as well as the lives of many Indians were sacrificed, and mil-
lions of money expended.

In one of their reports, the California commissioners say:
" The common and favorite abode of the Indians in this coun-
try was in the valleys and the range of mountains. The
greater portion were located and had resided as long as their
recollections and traditions went, on the ground now being
turned up for gold, and occupied by the gold hunters, by
whom they have been displaced and driven higher up in the
range of mountains, leaving their fisheries and acorn grounds-
behind. They have been patient in endurance, until neces-
sity taught them her lesson (which they were not slow to learn,
as it is measurably instinctive with the Indians), and thus
they adopt from necessity that \vhich was deemed a virtue
among the Spartans, and the result is we have an incipient
border war; many lives have been lost, and an incalculable
amount of property stolen."

That the reader may have an idea of the mode and manner
in which the "Americans" introduced their civilization among
the Indians on the Pacific slope, two incidents out of many
such that occurred, are here given. At an early day a party
started np the coast from San Francisco on a gold hunting
expedition. They had a vessel loaded with supplies, tools,
etc., sufficient for a substantial outfit. After sailing up ta
near the southern boundary of Oregon, they landed, when a
portion of them immediately set out on a tour of exploration, •
leaving the remainder to discharge the cargo and in due time
follow their comrades. About thirty Indians came to the
beach, and at the request of the "Americans" proceeded to-
help unload the vessel. The Indians labored faithfully for
the new comers. There wereon the vessel two pieces of can-

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 155

non, and a supply of guns and pistols. In the bay near the
landing and close to the vessel, there was a large rock, the
top surface of which was above the water, and of sufficient
area to accommodate many persons. The cannon, when re-
moved from the vessel, were placed upon this rock and in
proper position. When the Avork was completed, the Indians
were requested to come on the rock to receive pay for their
labor. As they passed up in Indian file, at the proper mo-
ment, the guns were brought to bear upon them, and all but
two were killed.

In 1853, Captain Wright surprised a few Modoc Indians,,
took them to his camp and treated them kindly, and then
sent them, with presents of tobacco and calico, to their peo-
ple, and by this means he opened negotiations for a council to
arrange for a treaty. In due time it was agreed that the prin-
cipal men of the Modocs should meet Captain Wright at a
place designated on Lost river, for a preliminary council. Oa
the appointed day some fifty of the chiefs and head men at-
tended. The force of Wright was about equal in numbers,
aud they were drilled for the occasion. It was agreed that
the filling and lighting of the pipe of Wright during the de-
liberation of the council should fee the signal for action. As
the wreath of smoke ascended, fifty revolvers were drawn
from their concealment, the possessors being distributed
among the Indians, and every Modoc save two, was instantly
killed. Such incidents as these, and there were many in
some degree like them, bore fruit, resulted in retaliation, and
finally in a general Indian war.

To meet the complications existing in California, Congress,
in the winter of 1852-3, appropriated two hundred and fifty
thousand dollars to defray the expenses of removing the In-
dians in that state to five military reservations of not more
than twenty-five thousand acres in each. When the plan was
about to be put into operation, it appeared that it was difficult
to obtain suitable locations for such reservations, in the re-
gions designated, since there were alleged claims to the lands
i>unded upon Spanish and Mexican grants. The superintend-
ent concluded to purchase the lands embraced in the reser-
vations from those who held such grants, subject to the ratifi-

166 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

• cation of Congress. Thus new complications grew up in
California, while in Texas, New Mexico, Utah, Washington,
and Oregon, Indian affairs were in an unsettled condition,
arising out of the constant encroachments of the whites, and
resulting in loss of life on both sides. In this condition of
things, the commissioner of Indian affairs, in November, 1853,
recommended that a board of commissioners, composed of
able, practical, impartial, and upright men, be sent without
•delay to all our remote possessions, with a view to such con-
ventional and other arrangements as should be deemed proper
and necessary to place our Indian relations there on a safe,
stable, and satisfactory basis. Congress made no provision
for such commission, and outbreaks among the Indians con-
tinued, resulting in loss of life, destruction of property, and
working great demoralization among the natives.

In 1851 it was found necessary to make some arrangement
with the wild Indians of the plains and mountains, by which
the right of transit through the country claimed by them,
should be assured to the multitudes going across the plains
to our distant possessions ; and on the 17th of September
of that year, at Fort Laramie, a treaty was made with the
Sioux or Dakota, Cheyenn», Arapahoe, Crow, Assiniboine,
Gros Ventre, Mandan, and Arickaree Indians, who claimed
most of the country east of the Kocky Mountains, north
of Texas and ISTew Mexico, south of the Missouri, and west
of the emigrated tribes. By this treaty the boundaries of
■the territory of each tribe were defined, and they all agreed
to abstain from hostilities against each other, and maintain
friendly relations. They also agreed that the United States
might establish roads and military posts within their limits;
and in consideration of these concessions, the government
agreed to protect them from depredations on the part of the
whites, and to give them in goods suited to their wants, yearly,
for fifty years, the sum of fifty thousand dollars, to be di-
vided ratably among them. The Senate amended the treaty
to limit the annuity to a period of fifteen years. In the fall
of 1852, the commissioner of Indian affairs reported that " not-
withstanding the mountain and prairie Indians continued to
suffer from the vast number of emigrants who pass through

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 157

their country, destroying their means of support, and scatter-
ing disease and death among them, yet those who were par-
ties to the treaty of Fort Laramie, in the fall of 1851, have been
true to their obligations, and have remained at peace among
themselves," and this state of things continued until in the
month of August, 1S§4:, when, by the folly of a young mili-
tary officer, then in command at Fort Laramie, it was inter-/
rupted. Some bands of the Dakota Indians, parties to the
Laramie treaty, were at that time in camp at a point about
eight miles from the fort, awaiting the agent, then on the Ar-
kansas, and on his way to these Indians, to distribute to them,
their share of the fifty thousand dollar annuity. While thus
encamped, a Mormon train passed by on its way to Utah, and^.
a cow in the rear, and belonging to the train, left the road
and went into the Indian camp. This cow was killed by some
of the Indians. The Mormons, on arriving at the fort, re-
ported the fact, when Lieutenant Fleming, in command, or-
dered Lieutenant Grattan, with a file of soldiers, to proceed
to the Indian camp, and arrest the Indian or Indians who
killed the cow. At the time there were but few troops at
Laramie, and nearly one-half of these were absent on the
Platte river cutting hay. Lieutenant Grattan took twenty-
nine men and an interpreter, and set out to execute the order.
Wheu he arrived at the trading post, near the Indian camp,
and told his mission, the trader advised him not to enter the
camp, and proposed that he would go in and bring but the
chief to see Grattan. The lieutenant replied that he had
come to arrest the party that killed the cow, and intended.,
to do so. In addition to the muskets of the men, the e.xpedi-
tion had two pieces of cannon, and they were not without
stimulant, the interpreter being in such condition that he
talked to the Indians in a very indiscreet manner. He told
them, among other things, that the soldiers had come there to

" cut the d d hearts out of them ; " that they had come to kill

Indians, and intended to do so. The troops went into camp,
Unlimbered their guns, and fired them, as well as a volley
from their muskets. They killed one, and mortally wounded
several of a band of Brule Sioux, when the Indians became
aroused and advancing toward the trOops, the latter retreated,-.

158 OUE INDIAN WAEDS.

followed Ly the Sioux. In the conflict the lieutenant and all
his men were killed. The Indians, without waiting longer,
for the arrivaloftheir agent, went to the warehouse near by,
where their annuity goods were in store, took them, and sep-
arated for their homes. Although able to have stormed Fort
Laramie, and taken away all its military stores, they did not
commit any violence on the fort or its inmates. The secretary
of war did state that they had designs on the fort, with the inten-
tion to seize all the public and private stores there, but there was
no foundation for such statement. On account of this aftkir
Congress authorized an addition of three regiments to the reg-
ular army, and then followed G-eneral Harney's " Sioux Expe-
dition." The crowning act of General Harney's campaign, and
which he pompously styled the " Battle of the Blue Water,'Jj
took place on the 22d of September, 1855, in northwestern
Nebraska or northeastern "Wyoming. He li card that a Brul6
band of Sioux, of which Little Thunder was principal chief,
was with his braves, and women and children, encamped at
this point, and moved immediately for them, and at half-past
four o'clock in the morning commenced an attack on this
unoffending village, the inhabitants of which had no more to
do in the affair with Lieutenant Grattan than General Har-
ney had. He threw his cavalry around in the rear of the vil-
lage, and in the direction the Indians would retreat when he
attacked them in front. He says in his official report that the
cavalry movement " was executed in a most faultless manner
by Colonel Cook, to secure a position to cut off the retreat of
the Indians, and was effected without attracting their atten-
tion." When General Harney moved upon the village, the
Indians commenced a retreat up the valley, precisely in the
direction that Cook's cavalry was coming toward them. The
Indians halted short of the cavalry, and General Harney held
a parley with the chief, in which he (Harney) stated the causes
of dissatisfaction, and " that the Indians had massacred our
troops under the most aggravated circumstances, and now the
day of retribution had come ; that he did not wish to harm
him (Little Thunder) personally, as he professed to be a
friend of the whites, but that he must deliver up the young
-men whom he acknowledged he could not control, or they

OUR INBIAN WARDS. 159

-must suffer the consequences of their past misconduct, and
take the chances of battle. N"ot being able, of course, how-
ever willing, to deliver up all the butchers of our people. Lit-
tle Thunder returned to his band. I, immediately after his
-disappearance from my view, ordered the troops to advance.
The skirmishers opened their fire around the bluffs, on the
right bank of the stream, in a very spirited manner, and gal-
lantly driving the savages into the snai'e laid for them by the
cavalry, which last troops burst upon them so suddenly and so
unexpectedly as to cause them to cross instead of ascending
the valley of the Blue Water, and seek an escape by the only
avenue now open to them. . . . The result of the affair
was, eighty-six killed, five wounded, and seventy women and
children captured, and fifty mules and ponies taken. The
provisions and camp equipage were all destroyed. The troops
were eager from the first for a fray with the butchers of their
comrades." General Harney omitted in his report, above
quoted, to state that he killed a number of women and chil-^
dren, which he did do. Except this omission, we have his
own unvarnished story of how he treated an innocent band
of Sioux Indians, who were in nowise involved in the sad
-affair with Lieutenant Grattan's command. General Har-
ney wore the uniform of a brigadier-general in the United
States army, and such was his rank, and yet in this report he
admits that he set a trap for these hapless people, who were
not a war party, but a band of peaceful Indians, men, women, ,
and children, residing at Ash Hollow, on the Blue Water;
that he made demands of the -chief, that he knew, however
willing, he could not comply with. This, however, is not a;n
isolated case. It is the common practice of our troops, when
out on expeditions to kill Indians whenever found, without
care to know whether they be guilty or innocent. Serious
trouble grew out of General Harney's campaign, and many
white people lost their lives, by reason of the complication*'
which followed.

Contemplating the condition of the Indian population in
the vast territory to the west, and the rapid flow of our own
population into it, and the conflicts which were ever recurring
:a,nd never ending, the commissioner of Indian affairs, in the

160 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

fall of 1856, said : " The wonderful emigration to our newly-
acqnired states and territories, and its effect upon the wild
tribes inhabiting them, and the plains and prairies, is well
Ciileulatod, at the present period, to attract special attention.
E"ot only are our settlements rapidly advancing westward
from the Mississippi river toward the Pacific ocean, and from
the shores of the Pacific eastward toward the Mississippi, but
large settlements have been made in Utah and 'New Mexico,
between the two. Already the settlements of Texas are exr
tending np to El Paso and spreading into the Gadsden pur-
-"hiise, and those of California have reached into the great
Viilley of the Colorado, whilst the settlers of Minnesota are
bnilding cities at the very head of Lake Superior, and vil-
lages in the remote valley of the Red river of the North, on
their way to Puget Sound." The commissioner continued,
at some length, to cite the projected railroads, and other im-
provements, calculated, as they progressed, to affect the con-
dition of the Indians, and operate as a check to their civili-
zation, unless some means were adopted to counteract the in-
jurious effect of these measures, and then he adds: "As sure
as these great physical changes are impending, so sure will?
these poor denizens of the forest be blotted out of existence,
and their dust be trampled under the foot of rapidly ad-
vancing civilization, unless our great nation shall generously
determine that the necessary provision shall at once be made,,
and appropriate steps be taken to designate suitable tracts or
reservations of land, in proper localities, for permanent
homos for, and provide the means to colonize them thereon.'
Such reservations should be selected with great care, and-
when determined upon and designated, the assurances by
which they are guaranteed to the Indians should be irrevoca-
ble, and of such a character as to effectually protect them,
from encroachments of every kind."

The absorbing topic, at this time, in Congress and the coun-
try, was the slavery question, and the toleration or prohibi-
tion of the institution in our new acquisitions lying south of
36° 30' north latitude. The partisans in this controversy,
which convulsed the whole country, had no dispute in rela-
tion to the Indians. It is true they had but recently owned the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 161

country about- which this fierce controversy was waged ; and,
although in one way and another, much of it had been wrested
from them, no satisfactory arrangement or adequate pro-
vision had been made with them for their future protection
and care. Treaties with many tribes had been made; but
these were not ratified for some time after this period. The
pro-slavery and free-soil champions failed to see any thing
wrong in this unsettled condition of the Indian race. Indeed,,
to those who observed closely, it was difficult to decide which
of these parties was the most oppressive and cruel in its con-
duct toward the red man. It was no uncommon thing to see
representative men of both parties, while in violent hostility
on the question of " free soil," in Kansas, participating in,,
and enjoying, the plunder taken from the Indians. Such
seemed to have as little scruple in invading the rights of the
Indians as they would feel remorse in treading on a reptile in
their path.

Without going into the detail it may be stated that the
flow of population, which continued toward our new terri-
tories, did not all, as in the beginning, reach the Pacific slope.
Many dropped out of the overland caravans by the wayside,
at points where wood and water were found, and ranches
sprang up on the plains and toward the base of the moun-
tains, and in the valleys of the rivers. By the Fort Laramie
treaty, which defined the boundaries of the several tribes par-
ties to it, the home of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes was
bounded as follows : " Commencing at the Red Butte, or the
place where the road leaves the north fork of the Platte river,
thence up said north fork of the Platte to its source, thence
along the main range of the Rocky Mountains to the head-
waters of the Arkansas river, thence down -the Arkansas
river to the crossing of the Santa F6 road, thence in a north-
westerly direction to the forks of the Platte river, and thence
up the Platte river to the place of beginning." Within these
boundaries is embraced most of what is now western Kansas
and the larger portion of Colorado. It is an eligible body of
land, equal in area to two of our larger states. Several years
previous to the commencement of our civil war, gold and sil-
11

162 DUE INDIAN WAEDS.

ver were discovered in the mountains of Colorado, and thou-
sands, who had only the right to pass through the country,
took possession of the land and went to mining. Against the
protests of the Indians they opened mines, built towns, and
opened farms and roads. They crowded the Indians from
the high lands where they lived into the valley of the Arkan-
sas. The Indians had been generous to the white intruders,
but when driven from their homes, they became sullen and
•dissatisfied. The treaty of 1851 gave them the pledge that
the United States would protect them against the commission
of all depredations upon them by its citizens. They knew
very well the wrong done them, and that the stipulations of
.the treaty had not been complied with. In the language of
the commission of 1867-8, known as the Peace Commission :
" These Indians saw their former homesand hunting grounds
overrun by a greedy population thirsting for gold. They saw
their game driven east to the plains, and soon found them-
selves the objects of jealousy and hatred. They, too, must go.
The presence of the injured is too often painful to the wrong-
doer, and innocence offensive to the eye^ of guilt. It now be-
came apparent that what had been taken by force must be
retained by the ravisher, and nothing was left for the Indians
hut to ratify a treaty consecrating the act. On the 18th of
February, 1861, this was done at- Fort Wise, Kansas. These
tribes ceded their magnificent possessions, enouglT'to consti-
tute two great states of the Union, retaining only a small dis-
trict for themselves." This reservation lies on both, ddes of
the Arkansas, extending from the mouth of the Sandy Pork
to the mouth of the Purgatory. In consideration of this ces-
sion the United States entered into new obligations. " Jfot
being able (in the language of the conimission of 1867-8) to
protect them in the larger reservation, the nation resolved that
it would protect them 'in the quiet and peaceable possession'
of the smaller tract. Second, to pay each tribe thirty thou-
sand dollars per annum for fifteen years; and third, that
houses should be built, lands broken and fenced, and stock
animals and agricultural implements furnished. In addition
to this, mills were to be built, and engineers, farmers, and me-
chanics sent among them. These obligations, like the obliga-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 163

"tions of 1851, furnished glittering evidences of humanity to the
reader of the treaty. Unfortunately the evidence stopped at
that point." From the date of this treaty, February 18, 1861^,^
to Apri l 12, 1 864, the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians"were
at peace : " On that day (in the language of the commission
of 1867-8) a ranchman named Ripley came to Camp San-
born, and stated that Indians had stolen his stock. Of what
tribe they were he did not know, lie asked and obtained
troops for the purpose of pursuit. Lieutenant Dunn, with
forty men, was put under Ripley's guide, with instructions to
disarm the Indians found in possession of the stock. Beyond
Tiis representation nb one knew who Ripley was. That he
owned stock his own word was given — no one else said he
■did. During the day Indians Were found. Ripley claimed
some of the horses. The lieutenant ordered the soldiers to
stop the herd, and ordered the Indians to come forward and
talk. Some of them rode forward, and when within a few
feet of him, Dunn ordered his men to dismount and disarm
the Indians. They, of course, resisted, and a fight ensued.
"What Indians they were he knew not; from bows and ar-
rows found he judged them to be Cheyenggs.

"Duun getting the worst of the fight, returned to camp,
obtained a guide, and a remount, and the next morning
started again. In May following. Major Downing, of the
iirst Colorado cavalry, went to Denver and asked Colonel
Chivington to give him a force to move against the Indians,
for what purpose we do not know. Chivington gave him the
men, and the following are Major Downing's own words : ' I
captured an Indian and required him to go to the village, or
I would kill him. This was about the middle of May. We
started about eleven o'clock in the day, and traveled all day
and all night; about daylight I succeeded in surprising the
Cheyenne village at Cedar blufii's, in a small valley, sixty
miles north of South Platte river. We commenced shooting.
I ordered the men to commence killing them. They lost, as
I am informed, some twenty-six killed and thirty wounded.
My own loss was one killed and one wounded. I burnt up
their lodges, and every thing I could get hold of, I took no

164 OUK INDIAN WARDS.

prisoners. We got out of ammunition, and could not pursue'
them.'

" In this camp the Indians had their women and children.
He captured one hundred ponies, which the officer says were
distributed among the boys for the reason that they had
been marching almost constantly day and night for nearly
three weeks ! This was done because such conduct ' was usual
(he said) in New Mexico.' About the same time, Lieutenant
Ayres, of the Colorado troops, had a difficulty, in which an
Indian chief, under a flag of truce, was murdered. During
the summer and fall occurrences of this character were fre-
quent. Some time during the fall. Black Kettle and other
prominent chiefs of the Cheyenne and Arapahoe nations, sent
word to the commander at Fort Lyons that the war had been
forced upon them, and they desired peace. They were then
upon their own reservation. Major E. W. Wynkoop, then
of the first Colorado cavalry, did not feel authorized to con-
clude a treaty with them, but gave them a pledge of military
protection until an interview could be procured with the gov-
ernor of Colorado, who was then superintendent of Indian
affairs. He then proceeded to Denver with some of the
leading chiefs to see the governor. Colonel Chivington was
present at the interview. _ Major Wynkoop, in his sworn tes-
timony, thus relates the action of the governor, when he
communicated the presence of the chiefs "seeking peace : ' He
(the governor) intimated that he was sorry I had brought
them ; that he considered he had nothing to do witl-u them ;
that they had declared war against the United States, and he-
considered them in the hands of the military authorities ; that
he did not think it was policy anyhow_^to make peace with
them, until they were properly punished, for the reason that
the United States would be acknowledging themselves
whipped.' Major Wynkoop further states that the 'gov-
ernor said the third regiment of Colorado troops had been
raised on his representation at Washington, to kill Indians,
and Indians they must kill.' Wynkoop then ordered the In-
dians to move their villages nearer to the fort,,and bring their
women and children, which was done. In November, this
officer was removed, and Major Anthony, .of the first. Colo-

OUE INDIAN WAEDS, 165

rado cavalry, ordered to take command of the fort. He, too,
assured the Indians of safety. They numbered about five
bundred men, women, and children. It was here, under the
pledge of protection, that they were slaughtered by the third
Colorado and a battalion of the first Colorado cavahy, under
command of Colonel Chivington. He marched from Denver
to Eort Lyon, thence to Sand creek, and about daylight on
the morning of the 29th November, surrounded the Indian
camp, and commenced an indiscriminate slaughter. The par-
ticulars of this massacre are too well known to be repeated
here with all its heartrending scenes. It is enough to say that
it scarcely has its parallel in the records of Indian barbarity.
Fleeing women, holding up their hands and praying for
mercy, were brutally shot down ; infants were killed and
scalped in derision; men were tortured and mutilated_jn a
manher~tIiat"would put to shame the savage ingenuity_of_in^
terior Africa. No one will be astonished that a war ensued
which cost the government $30^000^000^ and conflagration
and death to the border settlements^ During the spring and
summer of 1865, no less than eight thousand troops were
drawn from the effective force engaged in suppressing the re-
bellion, to njeet this Indian war. The result of the year's
campaign satisfied all reasonable men that war with Indians
was useless and expensive. . . To those who reflected on
the subject, knowing the facts, the war was something more
than useless and expensive; it was dishonorable to the na-
tion, and disgraceful to those who had originated it.

" When the utter futility of conquering a peace was made
manifest to every one, and the true cause of the war began
to be developed, the country demanded that peaceful agencies
should be resorted to. Generals Harney, Sanborn, and others
were selected as commissioners to procure a council of the
hostile tribes, and in October, 1865, they succeeded in doing
so at the mouth of the Little Arkansas. At this council the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes were induced to relinquish their
reservation on the upper Arkansas, and accept a reservation,
. partly in southern Kansas and partly in the Indian Territory,
lying immediately south of Forts Larned and Zarah. The
object was to' remove them from the vicinity of Colorado.

166 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

. . . When this treaty came to the Senate for ratification,
it was so amended as to require the president to designate for
these tribes a reservation outside of the State of Kansas."
This provision deprived them of any home at all, except the
hunting privilege reserved by the treaty. At the same time
(October, 1865) agreements were made with the Kiowas, Co-
manches, and Apache Indians, and so soon as these treaties
were signed, the war of nearly two years' duration ceased at
once. Travel on the plains was again safe. What eight thou-
sand troops had failed to give, this simple agreement, which
was virtually rendered valueless by the Senate amendment,
and bearing nothing but a pledge of friendship, obtained.
From that time until the fall of 1866, peace on the part of
the Indians prevailed. General Sherman, during this period,
traveled without an escort to the most distant military posts,
and yet with a feeling of perfect security.

In the year 1866, the Sioux Indians became dissatisfied at
the great emigration, through their country, of parties at-
tracted to Montana by the stories of wonderful gold discoveries
in that territory. The route called the Powder river route
was the popular one, and yet the one that the Indians objected
to most seriously. This country, by the assignment of bound-
aries to the different tribes, by the Laramie treaty of 1851,
was recognized as Sioux territory. It was true that by that
treaty the Indians conceded the right to the government to
locate roads through, and establish military posts in it, and
for this privilege they were -to receive a share of the fifty
thousand dollar annuity, for fifty successive years. This the
Senate amended, so that the annuity was to be only for fifteen
years. The amendment was never agreed to by the Indians.
In fact, it was never submitted to them. The annuity ceased
in 1865, and the Indians-claimed that the grant then ceased
also. They did not object to travel through their country,
entirely', but did protest Earnestly against the use of the Pow-
der river route, since that was their buffalo range, and its
preservation was, in their condition, indispensable. They
could not exist, at that time, without the buffalo, as they had
no other resource for food. In March, 1866, General Pope,
then in command of the department of the Missouri, ordered

OUR INDIAN WABDS. 167

the establishment of military posts on that route. The Iowa
legislature had, by resolution, called on GeneiaL Sherm an for
military protection to emigrants going into Montana, «nd he,
in reply, had assured the public that such as went by the
Powder river route should find a well-guarded road all the
way. During the summer, when troops were ordered to gar-
rison Forts Phil Kearney, MePherson, and Reno, the Indians
notified the government that the occupation of the country

b> troops would be resisted ; but the warning was unheeded:

An attempt was then made to compose the matter by treaty.
In the council, the Indians insisted that the troops must be
withdrawn before a treaty was made. This was refused, and
some of the Indians did reluctantly sign the treaty, while
others declined ; and Eed Cloud retired from the council,
and, placing his hand upon his rifle, said : " In this, and the
Great Spirit, I trust for the right." In a short time, a fierce
war began. Emigrant travel ceased, the forts were besieged,
and the mountains and valleys swarmed with Indian warriors.
On the 21st of December, a wood party, from Fort Fetterman,
was attacked, when Lieutenant-colonel Fetterman went out
from the fort to relieve it. A fight followed, in which every ^
man of our forces was killed. There was a route through the
Sioux country to Montana, said to be preferable to this Powder
river route, and to the travel on which the Indians offered no
objection, but the military had decided that the route they in-
dicated should be kept open. The attempt to do this, kept
up hostilities during the year 1867, and in the" spring of 1868,
in the treaty then made with the Sioux, the government agreed
to, and did, abandon her posts, and close up the road on the -
Powder river route to Montana.

When the trouble began with the Sioux, in 1866, some of
them, who desired to avoid war, and were willing to have
yielded this route to our travel, came south. They visited the
valley of the Republican river, in western Kansas, and thence
south as far as Fort Larned. Their movements created un-
easiness among the freighters on the plains, and the people in
the settlements became alarmed. The military posts also be-
came disturbed. In the fall, the traders on the Arkansas were
prohibited from selling arms to the Indians. In January,

168 OUR INDIAN TVA-RDS.

1867, Major Douglas, of the Third Infantry, communicated to
General Hancock his fears. He did not specify any hostile
act of the Indians, but stated that Kicking Bird, a Kiowa
chief, and rival of Satanta, said that Satanta talked of war,
and said he would commence when the grass grew in the
spring. In February, Captain Smith, of the Nineteenth In-
fantry, in command of Fort Ai'buclde, reported to General
OxA, at Little Rock, and the report was at once forwarded to

'ui.e department of the Missouri, that a negro child and some
stock had been taken off by the Indians, before he took com-
mand. His informant was one Jones, an interpreter. In his
letter, he used the following language: " I have the honor to
state further, that several other tribes than the Comanches
have lately been noticed on the war-path, having been seen,
in their progress, in unusual numbers, and without their
squaws and children — a fact to which much significance is
attached by those conversant with Indian usages. It is
thought by many white residents of the territory, that some
of these tribes may be acting in concert, and that plundering
incursions are at least in contemplation." After enumerating
other reports of wrongs (coming, perhaps, from Jones), he
said that, in reporting, he had deferred to the views of white
persons who, from long residence among the Indians, were
competent to advise him, and that his communication was
"more particularly the embodiment of their views." This

JiTQught ten additional companies of troops to his post.

Captain Asbery, at Fort Larned, reported that a small party
of Cheyennes had compelled a ranchman near that post to
cook supper for them, and then threatened to kill him because
he had no sugar. Finally, on the 9th of February, Joms, the
Kiowa interpreter, filed, with Major Douglas, at Fort Dodge,
an affidavit that he had recently visited the Kiowa camp, in
company with Major Page and John E. Tappan, on a trad-
ing expedition. That the Indians took from them flour,
sugar, rice, and apples ; that they threatened to shoot Major
Page, because he was a soldier, and tried to kill Tappan. He
(Jones) said they shot at him. He also said that Satanta re-
quested him to say to Major Douglas, that he demanded that
the troops and military posts be at once removed, and also

OUE INDIAIf WARDS. 169

that the railroads and mail stages must be stopped at once.
Satanta also requested him to tell Douglas that he hoped the
government stock was in good condition, as he would be over
in a few days to get it. Jones further said, that while at the
camp, an Indian war party came in, having with them two
hundred horses, and the scalps of seventeen negro soldiers
and one white man. All this information was at once dis-
patched to General Hancock ; and a short time thereafter,
and before any verification of this startling news, he com-
menced to organize the expedition which thereafter marched
to the Pawnee fork of the Arkansas, and burned the Cheyenne
village. , The commission of 1867-8 thus refer to these mat-
ters : I '~~
" On the 11th of March following. General Hancock ad-
dressed a letter to Major "Wynkoop, then the agent of the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes, stating that 'he had about com-
pleted arrangements for moving a force to the plains.' Pie
said that his object was to show the Indians that he was * abie
to chastise any tribes who molest people traveling across the
plains.' Against the Cheyennes he claimed, first, that they
had not delivered the Indian who killed a !N^ew Mexican,
at Fort Zarah ; and second, he believed he had ' evidence suf-
ficient to fix upon the different bands of that tribe, whose
chiefs are known, several outrages committed on the Smoky
Hill last summer.' He requested the agent to tell them he
' came prepared for peace or war,' and that hereafter he
would ' insist upon their keeping oft' the main lines of travel,
where their presence is calculated to bring about collisions
with the whites.' This, it will be remembered, was their
hunting ground, secured by the treaty. On the same day he
forwarded a similar communication to J. H. Leavenworth,
agent for the Kiowas and Comanches. The complaints he
alleged against them are precisely the same contained in the
affidavit and statements of Jones and the letter to Captain As-
bery. The expedition left Fort Leavenworth on the 13th of
April, and proceeded to and up the Pawnee fork of the Ar-
kansas, in the direction of the village of one thousand or
fifteen hundred Cheyenne and Sioux. When he came near
their camp the chiefs visited him, as they had already done at

170 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

4l

[r

Earned, and requested him not to approach the camp with
his troops, for the women and children, having the remem-
brance of Sand Creek, would certainly abandon the village.
On the 14th he resumed his march, with cavalry and artil-
lery; and, when about ten miles from their village, he was
again met by the head men, who stated that they would treat
with him there or elsewhere ; but they could not, as requested
by him, keep their women and children in camp, if he ap-
proached with soldiers. He informed them that he would
march up to within a mile of the village, and treat with them
that evening. As he advanced, the women and children fled,
leaving the village, with all their property. The chiefs and a
part of the young men remained. To some of these, visiting
the camp of General Hancock, horses were furnished, to
bring back the women and children. The liorses were re-
turned, with word that the women and children could not be
collected. It was then night, and orders were given to sur-
round the village and capture the Indians remaining. The
order was obeyed, but the chiefs and warrioi's had departed.
The only persons found were an old Sioux and an idiot girl
of eight or ten years of age. It afterward appeared that the
person of this girl had been violated, from which she soon
died. The Indians were gone ; and the report spread tha't
she had been a captive among them, and they had commitled
this outrage before leaving. The Indians say that she was an
idiotic Cheyenne girl, forgotten in the confusion of flight ; and,
if violated, it was not by them. The next morning General
Custer, under orders, started in pursuit of the Indians, with
his cavalry, and performed a campaign of great labor, passing
over a vast extent of country, but seeing no hostile Indians.
When the fleeing Indians reached the Smoky Hill they
destroyed a station and killed several men. A courier having
brought this intelligence to General Hancock, he at once
ordered the Indian village, about three hundred lodges, to-
gether with the entire property of the tribe, burned,

" The Indian now became an outlaw — not only the Chey-
ennes and Sioux, but all the tribes on the plains. The super-
intendent of an express company, Cottrell, issued a circular
order to the agents and employes of the company, in the fol-

OUE INDIAN WARDS, 171

lowing language: 'Tou will hold no communication with
Indians whatever. If Indians come within shooting distance,
shoot them. Show them no mercy, for they will sIiow-^ijqu
none.' This was in the I ndian cou ntrY. He closes by say-
ing : ' General Hancock will protect you and our property.'
Whether war existed previous to that time seems to have
been a matter of doubt even with General Hancock. From
that day forward no doubt on the subject was entertained by
any body. The Indians were then fully aroused ; and no more
determined war has ever been waged by them. The evidence
tends to show that we lost many soldiers, besides a large
number of settlers on the frontier. The most valuable trains,
belonging to individuals as well as the government, among
which was a government train of ammunition, were captured
by these wild horsemen. Stations were destroyed. Hun-
dreds of horses and mules wer6 taken, while we are forced to
believe that their entire loss, since the burning of their vil-
lage, consists of only dxjaenJeUled.

" The Kiowas and Comanches deny the statements of Jones
in every particular. They say that no war party came in at
the time stated, or at iany other time. They deny that they
killed any negro soldiers, and positively assert that no Indian
was ever known to scalp a negro. In the latter statement
they are corroborated by all the tribes and by persons who
know their habits ; and the records of the adjutant-general's
office fail to show the loss of the seventeen negro soldiers, or
any soldiers at all. They deny having robbed Jones or in-
sulted Tappan. The testimony of the latter was taken, in
which he brands the whole statement of Jones as false, and^
declares that he and Page so informed Major Douglas, within
a few days after Jones made his affidavit. We took the tes-
timony of Major Douglas, in which he admits the correctness
of Tappan's statement, but for some reason unexplained, he
failed to communicate the correction to General Hancock.
The threats to take the posts on the Arkansas were made in
a vein of jocular bravado, and not understood by any one
present at the time to possess the least importance. . . .
This completes the case against the Kiowas and Comanches,

172 OUR INDIAN -WARDS.

who are exculpated, by the united testimony of all the tribes,
from any share in the late troubles.

" The Cheyennes admit that one of their young men, in a
private quarrel, both parties being drunk, did kill a New
Mexican, at Fort Zarah. Such occurrences are so frequent
among the whites on the plains, that ignorant Indians might
he pardoned for participating, if it be done merely to evidence
their advance in civilization. The Indians claim that tlie
Mexican was in fault, and further protest that no demandji
was ever made for the delivery of the Indian. 1

" The Arapahoes admit that a party of their young men,
with three young warriors of the Cheyennes, returning from
an excursion against the (Jtes, attacked the train of Mr. Wed-
dell, of New Mexico, daring fjhe month of March, and they
W'ere gathering np the stock when tlie war commenced."

The report from which the foi-egoing is taken — the report
of January 7, 1868 — remarks that " though this recital should
prove tedious, itwas thought necessary,"to guard the future
against the errors of the past. We would not blunt the vigi-
lance of military men in the Indian country, but would warn
them against the arts of the selfish and unprincipled, who
need to be watched as well as the Indians. The origin and
progress of this war are repeated in nearly all Indiiau wars.
The history of one vrill suffice for many." Let it be remem-
bered that Generals Sherman," Harney, Terry, and Auger
were members of the commission who uttered these words.

The report of this coinmission makes a lame attempt to ex-
culpate General Hancock from blame in the premises. It
says: "He had just come to the department, and circum-
stances were ingeniously woven to deceive him. ... If
he erred, he can very well roll a part of the responsibility upon
others ; not alone on subordinate commanders, who were
themselves deceived by others, but on those who were able to
guard against the error and yet failed to do so. . . . His
distinguished services in another field of patriotic duty, had
left him but little time to become acquainted with the remote
or immediate causes producing these troubles." It is very
kind in the commission, of whom several are military col-
leagues of General Hancock, to offer an apology for his con-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 173

duct ; but to thinking people, with the facts before them, no
valid excuse can be given. The truth is, the " selfish and
unprincipled " who manipulated the operations which opened
the way for General Hancock's movement against the In-
dians, found him quite ready to c o-opera te_j!dth-them. He
was extolled in the press of Kansa^_as_he_mQyed acxass the
state ; and the huzzas and acclaim of Ih at portion of the popu-
lation, and it was quite large, that believed the only good In-
dian was the dead one, .met^him_on^^very side. ^ Without at-
tempting to verify any of the stories on which he professed to
base his movements, and all of which were false, or to scan
the motives of those who sought to precipitate a war upon
the Indians, he assumed that they needed discipline and dis-
cipline they must have ; and in all cases, discipline with the
m.ilitary arm means punishment, and punishment means
death. It was not his or General Custer's fault that only
six Indians were killed in the campaign. Had it been within
their power the whole village would have been put to the
sword. Military commanders of divisions, as well as post
commanders, seem to have adopted as a maxim that the first
duty they have to perform after assuming command is to
punish the Indians, and their ears are ever open to hear com-
plaints, in order that a foundation may be laid for fitting out
expeditions against the Indians ; and the civil oflacer who un-
dertakes to correct the misrepresentations that are pressed
upon the military commander will be lucky indeed if he do
not incur the displeasure of the man of war. There £tre ex-
ceptions in the conduct of some military officers to what is
here stated, but that fact only proves the general rule. When
the chiefs visited General Hancock, at Fort Larned, in April,
and begged him to desist and forego his expedition until they /
could confer with him, he would have given some evidence/
that he desired to do right if he had granted their request,/
and given them a hearing. He had the stories against the/
Indians, and it was but just that he should hear them, but hp
declined to do so. The report of January 7, 1868, shows
most conclusively that the stories furnished him were abso-
lutely false, and this he could have known by investigation,
if he had desired to be informed. But he did not desire any

174 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

further information than such as Major Douglas furnished
him in February. This and the applause and compliments
of the people of Kansas, among whom were many of the
"selfish and unprincipled" who manipulated these things,
were sufficient.

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 175

CHAPTER X.

MiLITAKT OPERATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS IN NeW MbXICO AND AkIZONA TS

1862, 1863, 1864, and 1869. — Deliberate attempt to exterminate them. —
Massacre of Apaches in 1871 at Camp Grant, etc.

Many army officers claim with unlimited assurance that the
military branch of the government is the proper one to have
■charge of Indian civilization. This claim has no foundation
on which to rest. As a rule (to which it is admitted there are '
exceptions), army officers, when charged with duties in the
Indian service, are not only unjust, but absolutely cruel. In
order that the reader may have an insight into the humane
manner in which our Indian population is treated by the
military when acting without restraint, a brief recital will be
found in this chapter of operations in New Mexico and the
adjacent country, in 1862, 1863, 1864, and 1869.

In the Territory of l^ew Mexico tillable land is nowhere to
be found in large bodies. Indeed, there is but little such
land. The Indian population resident in the territory at the
time it was acquired by the United States, was composed of
the Pueblo, Navajoe, Comanche, and Apache tribes. Frag-
ments of Utes and other bands, occasionally made incursions
into it. The Pueblos had small reservations, and resided in
villages. They had churches and schools. Their form of
government was democratic. They selected their officers,
made their laws, and by diligence supported themselves. It
was said that at this time they were remarkably free from
vices, and guiltless of any grave crimes. The JSTavajoes, in
some respects, resembled the Pueblos in their customs, but
relied chiefly for support on their flocks of sheep, and the
manufacture of their wool into blankets, in which they had
quite a commerce. In 1846, the first expedition after the ac-
quisition of New Mexico was made by Colonel Doniphan into
the Navajoe country. He was surprised at the quantity and
quality of the blankets manufactured by them. The Apaches

176 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

were a more nervous race, and obtained their subsistence
chiefly by the chase, and the mascel which they laid up for
winter use. When the barrenness of the country and the
jirofusion of game at the time is considered, it is probable the
■\vliite man, had his lot been cast in some parts of the toi-ri-
tory, and his attention had not been called to the mineral de-
posits, would have followed the exampile of the Apache. The
fact that there was supposed to be hidden beneath the un-
friendly and barren land, "gold and silver, and precious
stones," excited the cupidity of the Mexicans long before the
territory became the property of the United States; but not
to the same extent that our people were moved after the ac-
quisition. The Indians and Mexicans had, however, their
troubles and conflicts. The Indians, for injuries inflicted on
them and loss of property, retaliated, and frequently stole
cattle and sheep from the Mexicans, who in turn would pur-
sue them, not only to reclaim the property, but to rob and
murder the Indians. They would also seize the Indian
women and children, whom they carried oflf and sold into-
slavery.

In 1848-9, our military commander in New Mexico acted
on the theory that the only way to have peace with the In-
dians was to exterminate them. They did not acquiesce in-
his view, but resisted. Under better counsels our Indian diffi-
culties, in a few years thereafter, were so far composed that
comparative tranquillity prevailed, and with just treatment it
was discovered that the Pueblo and ISTavajoe Indians were, to-
borrow the words of Governor Greiner, about as easily con-
trolled " as a woman's school." The Comanches and Apaches
were not so well disposed, especially under the treatment they
had received. In 1854 and 1855, there was an occasional
foray, with such results as usually follow. As the influx of
prospectors and miners increased, difficulties between them
and the Indians followed. The "Americans" were aggres-
sive, and the Indians, when wronged, retaliated. Several mil-
itary expeditions were sent into the country, not to protect
the Indians from the aggression of the whites, but to punish
them because they did not submit to wrong and injustice.
Finally, the civil war broke out, and rebel troops from Texas-

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 177

invaded the territory. General Carleton assumed command in
the department of 'Hevr Mexico, in 1862. He at once com-
menced to discipline the Indians residing therein. A few ex-
tracts from his dispatches will give the reader an idea of the
manner in which he performed his work. On the 11th of
October, 1862, in a confidential letter addressed by him to
Colonel J. E. West, commander of the district of Mesilla, he
said: "Yon will order the following troops into the Mesca-
laro country to co-operate with Colonel Carson, yet to be in-
dependent of him. Captain McClave you will place in com-
mand of one expedition, to be composed of his own and one
company of your regiment. He will start with this force,
increased with twenty good Mexican spies and guides, which
you are authorized to employ at reasonable rates, on the 15th
of next month, and be absent until the 31st of December.
. . You will order Captain Roberts to command another
expedition against the Indians. . . There is to be no coun-
cil held with the Indians, nor any talks. The men are to be
slain whenever and wherever found. . . If the movements
are kept from being made public, so the Indians through the
Mexicans may not know of your plans until the troops take
the field, it will be better so. . . Both McClave and Rob-
erts will be instructed to keep a journal of every day's march
and work; of the estimated courses and distances traveled;
of the kind of country passed over; of the watercourses,
springs, grass, etc., which they find. The journal will be
forwarded to department headquarters as soon as the cam-
paign is over, and copies of them to Washington."

On the 12th of October, 1862, this humane oflicer instructed
Colonel Carson. The gist of the instructions read thus : " You
will make war upon the Mescalaro^- and all other Indians you
may find in the Mescalaro country, until further orders. All
\Indian men are to be killed, whenever and wherever you can find
'them. ... If the Indians send a flag of truce, and desire
to sue for peace, say to them that you have no. power to make
peace ; that you arc there to kill them wherever you can find

them."

On the 26th of November, 1862, having- heard that a man

12

178 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

by the name of Beach was, with others, engaged in the phin-
der of a band of Mescalaro Indians, and had, as the avails
thereof, a horse and mule, General Carleton directed that he
restore the property, not to the Indians, but to Colonel Car-
son, and that Beach be forbidden to settle in the country; and
on December 9, 1862, having heard that some parties in Toas
had taken an Indian, whom they found there, and after dosing
him with whisky, saturated his clothes with spirits of turpen-
tine, and then set fire to them, from the effects of which the
Indian died, General Carleton immediately wrote to the judge
of the district, calling his attention to the matter, and said:
" As one of the United States officials in N'ew Mexico, and as
one whose particular calling is to see justice done, I trust I
have but to call your attention to this alleged crime, to awaken
your zeal in the cause of justice and humanity. In many
years' experience, connected with Indians, I think it never has
been my lot to have heard of snch horrible barbarity of the
white men toward the Indians." In view of the instructions
of General Carleton to his military commanders, his letter to
the judge, and his banishment of Beach, present him as an
extraordinary compound ; but he was a military officer, and
hence above reproach, and beyond criticism. It is clear that
in New Mexico he intended to retain a monopoly of his civ-
ilizing process in the hands of the military officers then on
duty there.

On January 2, 1863, General Carleton wrote to General
Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general, at Washington, and said
that, when he had "punished" the Indians that infest the
head-waters of the Gila, " the Pino Alta gold mines can then
be worked with success."

February 1, 1863, he wrote General Thomas again, and
stated that " the evidences of rich gold fields and veins of sil-
ver, and of inexhaustible mines of the richest copper in the
country, at the head of the Mimbres river, and along the
country drained by the upper Gila, are of an undoubted
character. It seems providential that the practical miners of
California should have come here to assist in their discovery
and development." He added : " I have sent four companies
of California volunteers to garrison Fort West, in the Pino

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 179

Altagold region. I beg to ask authority to let, say, one-fourth
•of the command at a time, have one month's furlough, to work
in the gold mines, on their own account. In this way, the
mines and the country will become developed, while the troops
will become contented to remain in service, where the tempt-
ation to leave is so great."

March 16, 1863, General Carleton wrote General J. R. West,
commander at Mesilla, thus : " There must be no peace or
conference with any of the Indians living on any of the trib-
utaries of the Mimbres, or the head-waters of the Gila, down
so far as Fort Stanton, until they are completely subdued, and
not then, until the subject has been duly considered and de-
cided upon at these headqaarters. . . . The campaign
sweeping the Florida mountains, about which I have twice
written you, should be borne in mind. Information should
be gathered concerning that region ; the best guides employed'
and the work done at the earliest practicable moment. This
is a settled purpose, and will, I am sure, meet with a prompt
and hearty co-operation on your part. Driven from the Gila,
the Apache will naturally seek an asylum in these mountains.
There the maguey grows, which is their principal food, and
in the month of May they will begin to prepare it."

On the 10th of April, 1863, General Carleton instructed the
commanding officer at Fort Stanton, that he " be sure to have
slain every Mescalaro who may he met with at large in the vicinity
of his post."

On the 10th day of May, 1863, General Carleton wrote to
General Halleck, general-in-chief, at "Washington, and said :
" Among all my endeavors since my arrival here, there has
- been an effort to brush back the Indians, as you have seen
from official correspondence, so that the people could come
out of the valley of the Eio Grande, and not only possess
themselves of the arable lands in other parts of the territory,
but, if the country contained veins and deposits of the precious
-metals, that they might be found. So I re-established Fort Stan-
ton, and at least a hundred families have gone to the vicinity to
open farms, and they are commencing to find gold. I estab-
lished Fort "West, and have driven the Indians away from the
head of the Gila, and they are finding gold and silver, and cm-

180 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

nabar there. There is no doubt in niy mind, that one of the-
richest gold countries in the world is along the affluents of the-
Gila, which enter it from the north, along its whole course. . . .
You will also see, from the inclosed notes, what signs of mineral
wealth are already discovered. ... If I had one more
good regiment of California infantry, comprised as that in-
fantry is of practical miners, I would place it in the Gila
country. While it would exterminate the Indians, who are a
scourge to !N"ew Mexico, it would protect people who might
wish to go there to open up the country, and would virtually
be a military colony when the war ended, whose interest would
lead the officers to remain in the New Eldorado. Pray give all
this a thought. It is not a chimera, but a subject that is
worthy of the government now. California, you remember,
was not considered as valuable an acquisition until its gold
startled the world. Do not despise New Mexico, as a draio
upon the general government. The money will all come
back again."

During the fall of 1862 and the year 1863, Gen. Carletou
issued many orders to the different subordinate command-
ers in his department, the burden of which was to destroy, to
kill, to exterminate the Indians wherever found. It is not neces-
sary to reproduce them, since those already given show un-
mistakably that the object and design was to exterminate
THE NATIVE INHABITANTS IN New Mexico. A fcw additional
extracts must suffice, and these will fully demonstrate how
earnestly General Carleton impressed his views on his subor-
dinates. The following is an indorsement on a letter referred
by Gen. Carleton to Col. West, then operating in Arizona. It
is dated July 5, 1863, and reads thus : "• This letter is re-
spectfully referred to the commander at Fort Craig, who will
send company K, 1st infantry California volunteers, to the
points mentioned by Major McClave, and this company will
be instructed to proceed loith great caution, without noise of
trumpets or drums, or loud talking, or the firing of guns, except
in battle, to march silently, mostly by night ; to build fires of dry
twigs, that no smoke may arise from them; to have no fires by
night; to kill every Indian man they can find; to be gone
thirty days; to have pack-mule transportation where wagons

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 181

can not go ; to remember that California troops always find and
whip the Indians; to excel, in this respect, all other California
troops."

On the 16th of August, 1863, Gen. Oarleton wrote to Col.
Riggs at Fort Craig, thus : " The troops must be kept after
the Indians not in big bodies, with military noises and smokes,
and the gleam of arms by day, and fires, and talk, and comforta-
ble sleeps by night; but in small parties, moving stealthily to their
haunts and laying patiently in wait for them; or by foUo.wing
their tracks day after day, with a fixedness of purpose that never
gives up. . . . Sotne flour, bacon, a little sugar and coffee,
thrown on a pack-mule, with the men carrying, say, two or
thi-ee days' rations in their haversacks, and it will surprise the
country what a few resolute men can do. If a hunter goes
after deer, he tries all sorts of wiles to get within gunshot. An
Indian is a more watchful and a more wary animal than a deer.
He must be hunted with skill; he can not be blundered upon;
nor will he allow his pursuer to come upon him when he
knows it, unless he is stronger."

It would be difficult to find language sufficiently strong in
which to condemn the inhuman and barbarous treatment
which the Indians, in New Mexico, received from the troops
in Gen. Carleton's department, and in accordance with his. ex-
press orders. It is sad, it is humiliating, to know that hisj
operations and the scope and intent of them, were known to]
the authorities at Washington. He not only corresponded
with the adjutant-general and the geueral-in-chief of the
army, but with the secretary of the treasury and the post-
master-geueral freely, -m &yM'>-y^^'^La /r-

On the 20th of September, 1863; in a long letter to Secre-
tary Chase, he said : "If I can but have troops to whip away
the Apaches, so that prospecting parties can explore the
country, and not be in fear all the time of being murdered,
you will, without the shadow of a doubt, find that our country
has mines of the precious metals, unsurpassed in richness,
number, and extent by any in the world. Rich copper, in
quantity enough to supply the world, is found at the head of
the Gila. Some of this copper abounds in gold. Some is
pure enough for commerce with very little refining. The gold

182 OUE INDIAN WAEDS.

is pure. I send you herewith a specimen of copper from
near Fort West,, on the Gila, and two specimens of pure gold,
from the Antelope mountains. . . . If it be not improper,
please give the largest piece of the gold to Mr. Lincoln. It
will gratify him to know that Providence is blessing our
country, even though it chasteneth."

On the 13th of September, 1863, Gen. Carleton wrote Mr.
Blair, the postmaster-general, and said: "There is no doubt
but the reports of these immense deposits of gold are true,.
As a statesman, you will readily imagine all of the political
results which must at once ensue from such startling deveU
opments when they obtain publicity. This should not be
given them until we have reports from Surveyor-General
Clark and a party I sent with him to see pi'ecisely into the
matter. We know, from various other sources, what that re-
port must be, at least sufficiently to make timely preparations
for emergencies which will then at once arise. For myself,
there comes no little satisfaction in the thought that, for all
the toil through the desert, of the troops composing, the col-
umn from California, there will yet result a substantial bene-
fit to the country ; that .if these brave fellows, who encountered
this hardship so cheerfully and patiently, who endured and
suffered so much, have not had the good fortune to strike good,
hard, honest blows for the old flag, they have at least been
iustruminlarni helpTngto^nd gold to pay the gallant men
who have had the honor. Somebody had to perform their
part in the grand drama upon which the curtain is about to
-fall. The men from California accepted, unraurmuringly, the
role that gave them an obscure and distant part upon the
stage, where it was known they could not be seen, and be-
lieved they would hardly be heard from ; but in the great
tragedy so cruelly forced upon us, they tried to- perform iheir
duty, however insignificant it might be, and to the best of
their ability ; and now a finger of that Providence who has
watched over us in our tribulation, and who blesses us, lifts a
veil, and there, for the whole country, lies a great reward."

Thefreedom with which General Carleton corresponded with
the sneretary of the treasury and the postmaster-general, indi- -
cates an intimacy that is not to be admired. It is to be hoped

/

OUIi INDIAN WAEDS. 183

they did not fully understand the character of his operations
against the Indians in the department of New Mexico. There
can be no doubt, however, that the war department had full
knowledge in the premises, since he frequently and fully cor-
responded with Generals Halleck and Tliomas, and had ex-
press authority from them to commence war against the 'Ssl-
vajoe and other Indian tribes. Indeed, his field of operations
was extended in 1864, and he operated that year against the
Indians in portions of Arizona and,J3olorado. Our country
can not, therefore, escape the dishonor and disgrace of such
cruel wrong as was perpetrated against the Indians while
General Carleton was in command of the department of ]S"ew
Mexico.

By the treaty of peace with Mexico, the Territory of New
Mexico became a part of our possessions, and the United States
voluntarily assumed the obligation of taking such care of the
native inhabitants as became a government founded on prin-
ciples of justice and humanity. In 1850, the United States
made a treaty with the Navajoe Indians, not for the ces-
sion of their right to territory, but simply of peace and
friendship. In the treaty the Indians acknowledge that by
virtue of our treaty with Mexico, they were lawluUy placed
under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States ; mutual
covenants for peace and friendship followed ; also for regu-
lating trade, and the delivery of persons for committing of-
fenses or crimes against either party, and for the reclama-
tion of captives, and the right of citizens of the United
States for transit and travel through the ISTavajoe country. It
was also stipulated that the United States should at its earliest
convenience " designate, settle, and adjust the territorial
boundaries, and pass and execute in their territory such laws
as may be deemed conducive to the prosperity and happiness
of the Indians." The concluding paragraph of the treaty is
in these words : " This treaty is to receive a liberal construc-
tion at all times and in all places, to the end that the said
Navajoe Indians shall not be held responsible for the conduct
of others, and that the government of the United States shall
so legislate and act as to secure the permanent prosperity of
the Indians."

184 OUE INDIAN WAKDS.

In 1853, a treaty was made with the Comanche, Kiowa, and
Apache Indians. It was not for a cession of their land, but
simply for the right of our people of transit and travel
through their country. The material stipulations were sub-
stantially the same as those in the Navajoe treaty. The
seventh article is in these words : " The United States do more-
over bind themselves, in consideration of the covenants con-
tained in the preceding articles of this treaty, to protect and
defend the Indian tribes, parties hereto, against the commit-
tal of any depredations upon them, and in their territories,
and to compensate them for any injury that may result there-
from." Such were the existing relations between the govern-
ment and the Indians, during the time that General Carleton
was operating against them, not for offenses committed by
them, but for the avowed purpose of driving them out of
their own country or exterminating them within it, to the
end that mining companies might safely operate in regions
where every one that entered therein to dwell was a tres-
passer, whom, instead of protecting with its troops, the gov-
ernment was in good faith bound to expel. It would seem
incredible that any man could be found wearing the uniform
■of our army, so lost to every principle of justice, so devoid of
every sentiment of humanity, as to qualify him for deeds of
such enormity as those committed by General Carleton. The
reader will remember that in one of his dispatches. General
Carleton commends California troops, and designates them as
those " who always find and whip the Indians." This state-
ment will serve to remind such that when given an insight
into the operations in New Mexico in 1862-3-4, we have sub-
stantially the manner in which troops had been operated
against the Indians, not only in California, but in all our ter-
ritories. Is it not time that such inhuman and barbarous
conduct ceased ?

There is another phase to military operations in the Indidu
country. While striving to destroy the natives, mihtary offi-
cers seem to have time to correspond with a class of people
between whom and such officers there appears to be the most
intimate relations. A few extracts from the correspondence
of General Carleton will explain this phase. On the 22d of

OUK INDIAN WAEDS. 185

April, 1863, he wrote to Samuel F. Jones, Kansas City, as fol-
lows : " Your letter of March 18, 1863, in relation to gentle-
men who have made iuquiries of you, whether Fort West is
"to be permanently garrisoned, as in this event those gentle-
men are desirous of investing in, and working the mines of
precious metals near the head of the Gila, I hava had the
honor to receive, and I beg to reply, that unless I am com-
pelled by the Confederate forces to abandon the rich country
^bout Pinos Altas and on the Eio Preita, it will be held per-
manently. Our troops have already killed Magnus Colorado,
his son, his brother, and some sixty of his braves, and I am
still prosecuting hostilities against the Gila Apaches, and
propose to continue doing so, until people can live in that
•country, and explore and work the veins of precious metals,
which we know abound there, with perfect safety. The
country along the Eio Preita, and further down the Gila,
gives promise of wonderful richness in gold and silver. I
have two companies out now surveying a road from Fort
€raig to Fort West."

On the 22d of June, 1863, he wrote to Captain Joseph
Walker, of the Walker mines, whom he had, under the
promise of military protection, invited into the country, and
said : " I am just commencing operations against the Nava-
joes. I inclose an order which organizes the expedition.
You see the new fort will be at Pueblo, Colorado, about
twenty-eight miles south of Fort Defiance, and this will be
the nearest point for your people to get supplies in case of
accident. The sutler there will doubtless have a large stock
of goods, and I will tell him about keeping on hand such
articles of prime necessity as you might require. I send you
a map of the country, so that you may know about where
Fort Canby will be situated. I send you another similar
map on which you can trace your new gold fields. If I can
be of any service tO yourself or party it will afford me pleas-
ure to help you. . . . Yourself and your party deserve
success for your industry and perseverance. Hoping that
each of you will receive abundant reward for your past toil,
hardships, and danger, I am," etc.

It is to be observed that General Carleton is writing to men.

186 OUR IXDIAN WARDS.

and inviting and encouraging them to enter and work the
mines, in a country in which all who entered were trespass-
ers. "Without further comment the operations and conduct
of this officer are left to the contemplation of the reader, with
such judgment as may be deemed proper and the case
demands.

Military operations in Arizona in 1869 will now have a^
brief notice. General Ord was at this time commander of
the department in which that territory was situate. In his
annual report of September 27, 1869, General Ord said, that
within Arizona Territory he had fourteen military posts "with
an average garrison of one hundred and fifty men each, or
two thousand one hundred men. There are (said he) in the
territory three thousand three hundred horses and mules, and
to maintain these troops and animals it costs the government,
not including fuel, quarters, medical attendance, arms and
accouterments, ammunition, clothing, pay of troops and em-
ployes, or stables, at least four thousand dollars per day; add
other items, all the more exjiensive, wiiere, as in southern
Arizona, a foot of lumber costs twenty-five cents, and the cost
to the government for the troops in Arizona is not far from
tliree millions of dollars per annum. Almost the only pay-
ing business the white inhabitants have in the territory is
supplying the troops, there being as yet but few mines in the
country worked to profit; and I am informed from every
quarter, that if the quartermasters and paymasters of the
army were to stop payment in Arizona, a great majority of^
the white settlers would be compelled to quit. Hostilities are,
therefore, kept up with a view to supporting inhabitants,-
most of whom are supported by the hostilities. Of course
their support being derived from the presence of troops, they
are continually asking for more. There was in Arizona,-
January 1, 1860, according to the army register, not a single
army post or soldier, and there was then more travel across ■
the southern portion of the territory than now, more need of
troops there, and more Indians. It therefore becomes a ques-
tion if this large expenditure can not be reduced by reducing
the number of troops in the country to the minimum con- '
fiistent with the interests of the whole country." It would

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 187

appear from the foregoing that General Ord was not favor-
ably impressed with the duties of his position as military
commander of the district, and hence suggested a reduction
and concentration of the troops. Of his operations, he says
in his report: "I have encouraged the troops to capture and
root ont the Apaches by every means in my power, and to
hunt them as they would wild animals. This they have done
with unrelenting vigor. Since my last report over two hun-
dred have been killed, generally by parties who have trailed
them, for clays and wetlcs, into the mountain recesses, over snows,
among gorges and fteci-pices; Inying in wait for them by day a.nd
following them by night. Many villages have been burned,
large quantities of supplies, and arms and ammunition, cloth-
ing, and provisions have been destroyed, a large number of
horses and mules have been captured, and two men, twenty-
eight women, and thirty-four children taken prisoners. . . .
Many of the border men, especially those who have been
hunted, or lost friends or relations by them, regard all In-
diana as vermin, to be killed ic/ierever m.et. . . . The Apaches
have but few friends, and, I believe, no agent. Even the offi-
cers, when applied to by them for information, can not tell
them what to do. There seems to be no settled policy, but a
general idea to kill them wherever found. I am a believer in
that, if we go for extermination." General Oi'd occupies a
high position, as well as rank, in the army. He clearly in-
dicates his distaste for the mode in which the troops are
used against the Indians ; and yet " if we go for extermina-
tion," he is ready to proceed to kill off the natives. Accord-
ing to his report, the work of the year was to explore exten-
sive districts of country, of which white men had little or no
.knowledge, and which were supposed to be retreats of "hos-
tile " Indians, with a view to their subj ugation. lie expressed
the opinion that there were not, at that time, more tiian one
thousand fighting men of the Apaches left. He has, in his
report, this remarkable paragraph : " Colonel John Green,
First United States Cavalry, in a recent scout in the White
Mountains, a country of which we knew but little, after
destroying some villages, killing a number of warriors, and
destroying a large quantity of corn, etc., having heard of a

188 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

village thirty miles north, where the Indiaus were reported
friendly aud anxious to appease the troops, sent Captain John
Berry, First United States Cavalry, to examine the matter, and
if he found them concerned in hostilities, to destroy them."
Green thus describes the result : " On the night of April 1st,
Captain Berry returned with his command, and reported that
when he reached Miguel's village, there was a white flag
flying from every hut and every prominent point; that the men,
women, and children came out to meet them, and went to
work at once to cut corn for their horses, and showed such a
spirit of delight at meeting them, that the oflacers united in
saying that if they had fired on them they would have been
guilty of cold-blooded murder. Even my chief scout, Manuel,
who has no scruples in such matters, and whose mind was
filled with taking scalps when he left camp, said he could not
have fired on them after what he saw." Miguel expressed a
strong desire to go on a reservation, where he could be pro-
tected ; but Captain Berry knew not where to send him, and
probably the chief could not have found a more secluded spot
than the recess in the "White Mountains where he then dwelt,
in a country 'of which the white man knew but little; and
yet, but for the exhibition of his white flags, it is probable
that his village would have been destroyed. Many villages
that were destroyed by our troops, in the hunt after the In-
dians, as though they were wild beasts, were as well disposed
as the inmates of Miguel's village, and had opportunity been
given the inhabitants, would have shown evidence of their"
pacific disposition equally as satisfactory as that shown by
Miguel's Indians.

A reference to the manner in which a friendly band of
Apache Indians were massacred at Camp Grant in Arizona,
in 1871, by citizens of Tucson, aided by Mexicans, will close
this chapter. In February, 1871, a young Apache chief, ac-
companied by some twenty-five of his band, came to Camp
Grant and stated that they desired peace; that he and his
people had no home, and could make none, since wherever
they were located they had constant fear of the approach of
troops. He was advised by a young lieutenant, 11. E. Whit-'
man, then in command, to go to the White MountamsTaSd

OUR INDIAN WARDS. ' IS^"

locate there. The chief replied that those mountains were
not the country of his people ; that he had never dwelt with
the Indians infesting the mountains; that he was an Aravapa-
Apache, and wanted to dwell in the home of his fathers,
where he could raise corn and mescal, which was a principal
article of food. Lieutenant Whitman told this chief that
while he could make no permanent arrangement with him,-
that he could bring in his band and he would aid them, and
report their wishes t© the department commander. The chief
left, and about the first of March returned with his whole
band. In the meantime, runners from two other small bands
had been in, asking the same privilege, and giving the same
reasons. These were also pernntted to come in with their
bands, so that early in March, about three hundred Indians
were at Camp Grant. The kindness of the lieutenant, so un-
usual among military officers, no doubt attracted the Indians
to that point. He made a detailed report of the whole mat-
ter, and sent the same by express to the department com-
mander, for instructions to guide him. After awaiting more
than six weeks, his communication was returned to him with-
out any other reply than to call his attention to the fact that
his report was not properly briefed !

The Indians were camped about one-half mile from the
military post, and were supplied by Lieutenant Whitman with
limited rations. The number increased until over five hun-__
dred Indians were in the camp. They were very poor, and
nearly naked. They were encouraged by the lieutenant to-
cut and bring in hay for his post, and in about two months
they had brought in about two hundred thousand pounds,
carrying it all on their backs. Men, women and children en-
gaged in this work. They also gathered mescal for food.
Additional bands, with whom these were intermarried, were
preparing to come in. The Indians asked and obtained leave
to move their camp further up the Aravapa to higher ground,
and where water was plenty. In the meantime. Captain Stan-
wood took command of the post, and upon investigation and
being satisfied the Indians were acting in good faith, on the-,
24:th of April he left with the greater part of his troops to
make a scout in the lower part of the territory. The ranch-

190 OUK INDIAN" WARDS.

men iu the neighborhood were satisfied with the residence
and location of these Indians, and had promised Lieutenant
"Whitman to employ and give them labor when the season
<;ame to gather barley. Lieutenant Whitman became much
interested in the Indians, and said officially : " I had come to
feel respect for men who, ignorant and naked, were still
ashamed to lie or steal, and for women who would cheerfully
woi'k like slaves to clothe themselves and children, but, un-
taught, held their virtue above price. . . I had ceased to
have any fears of their leaving, and only dreaded for them,
that they might at any time be ordered to do so. They fre-
quently expressed anxiety to hear from the general, that they
might have confidence to build for themselves better houses,
but would always say, 'You know what we want, and if you
can not see him, you can write.' On the morning of April
30th, I was at breakfast at 7:30 o'clock, when a dispatch was
brought to me by a sergeant of company P, Twenty-first In-
fantry, from Captain Penn, commanding Camp Lowell, in-,
forming me that a large party had lejt^Tucson, on the 28th,
with the avowed purpose of killing all the Indians at this
post. I immediately sent two interpreters, mounted, to the .
Indian camp, with orders to tell the chiefs the exact state of
things, and for them to bring the entire party inside the fort.
As I had no cavalry, and but fifty infantry (all recruits), and
no other officer, I could not leave the fort to go to their de-
fense. My messengers returned in about an hour, with intel-,
ligence that they could find no living Indians. The camp was
burning, and the ground strewed with their dead and muti--
lated women and children. I immediately mounted a party '
of about twenty soldiers and citizens, and went with them •
and the post surgeon, with a wagon to bring in the wounded,
if any could be found. The party returned in the afternoon, .
having found no wounded, and without being able to com- .
municate with any of the survivors. Early the next morn-
ing I took a small party with spades and shovels, and went
out and buried all the dead in and about the camp. I thought
the act of caring for their dead would be an evidence to them '
of our sympathy, at least, and the conjecture proved correct,
for while at the work many of them came to the spot, nnd iu-

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 191

dnlged in their expressions of grief, too wild and terrible to
be described. That evening they began to come in from all
directions, singly and in small parties, so changed in forty-
eight hours as to be hardly recognizable, during which time
they had neither eaten nor slept. Many of the men whose
families had been killed, when I spoke to them and expressed
sympathy for them, were obliged to turn away, unable to
speak, and too proud to show their grief. The women whose
children had been killed or stolen, were convulsed with grief,
and looked to me appealingly, as though I was their last hope
on earth. Children who, two days before, had been full of
fun and frolic, kept at a distance, expressing wondering hor-
ror. . . Their camp was surrounded and attacked at day-
break. So sudden and unexpected was it, that no one was
awake to give the alarm, and I found quite a number of
women, who were shot while asleep beside their bundles of
hay, which they had collected to bring in on that morning.
The women who were unable to get away, had their brains
beaten out with clubs or stones. . . The bodies were all
stripped. . . I have spent a good deal of time with them
since lEhe affair, and have been astonished at their continued
unshaken faith in me, and of their perfectly clear under-
standing of their misfortune. . . What they do not un-
derstand is, that while they are at peaee,^nd conscious of no
wrong intent, that they should be mhrdered. . . One of
the chiefs said: 'I no longer want to live; my women and
children have been killed before" my face, and I have been un-
able to defend them. Most Indians in my place would take
a knife and cut his throat, buf I will live to show these peo-
ple that all they have done, and all they can do, shall not
make me break faith with you, so long as you will stand by
us and defend us, in a language we know nothing of, to a
great governor we never have, nor never shall see.' About
their captives, they say: 'Get them back for us; our little
boys will grow up slaves, and our girls, as soOn as they are
large enough, will be diseased prostitutes to get money for
whoever owns them. Our women work hard and are good
women, and they and our children have no diseases. Our
dead you can not bring to life, but those that are living we

192 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

give to you, who can write and talk, and have soldiers to get
them back.' I will assure you, it is no little task to convince
them of my zeal, when they see so little being done." o^'"- "

It was not long after this massacre before Lieutenant Whit-
man was I'elieved from dntj'^ at Camp Grant. In April, 1872,
General Howard visited the scene. The Indians showed him
the remains of their dead, which had become exposed. There
he found the camp utensils, and clothing and blankets strewn
around, and the bundles of hay that the women had brought
in the night preceding the slaughter. The Indians spoke of
Lieutenant "Whitman — the attachment they had for him — and
asked that he might be restored to the post, to remain with
them. But his denunciation of the barbarous, the murderous
act, and those engaged in it, had produced much feeling
against him, and there was no cordiality between him and
the commanding general, in view of which General Howard
thought it was better the petition of the Indians be not
granted.

This affair at Camp Grant is not an isolated case. Expedi-
tions of the same kind have been often fitted out and set on
foot, with results as merciless and bai'barous, and men who
claim to give tone to the actions of the communities in which
they reside, have openly participated in them. Even the gov-
ernors of territories have organized bodies of men to go out
and hunt down the natives, with authority to kill them
wherever found; to destroy their villages, take possession of
their property as booty, and to receive a premium for all In-
dian scalps taken. Territorial legislatures have placed upon
their journals resolutions organizing bands of men to be em-
ployed in "Indian hunting," with rewards for all scalps taken.
The legislature of Idaho fixed the price of scalps at one hun-
dred dollars for the scalp of the "buck," fifty dollars for that
of the sqnaw, and twenty-five dollars for the scalp of every
thing in the shape of an Indian under ten years of age, pro-
vided that each person shall make oath that the scalps were
taken by the " Indian hunting " company ; thus reducing the
hunting down and killing human beings to a level with the
destruction of dangerous wild animals !

The removal of Lieutenant Whitman from the post at Camp

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 193

Grant has much in it to attract the attention of considerate
persons. Here was a military officer who had, by his conduct,
secured the confidence of the Indians who survived the mas-
sacre ; they were attached to him, and so informed General
Howard, and desired his return ; but his superiors had relieved
him, and why ? Simply because he had expressed his opinion,
without reserve, touching the conduct of the murderous mob
that came from Tucson. Instead of commending the lieutenant
for his noble conduct, and defending and sustaining him, the
military commander of the district transferred him to another
post. The massacre was approved by men of prominence and
influence in the territory, and these and the military commander
were on such terms that the lieutenant must needs be relieved.
General Howard, who felt keenly the enormity of the crime
against the Indians, was so embarrassed by the influence of
the mob, that he could not recommend that the petition of the
Indians have favorable consideration.
13

194 OXJR INDIAX WAEDS.

CHAPTER XL

A Board op Peace Commissioners created bt Cokgkess. — Treaties made

WITH THE KlOWA, CoMANCHE, ChETENNE, AND ArAPAHOE, SiOUX, AKD OTHER

Indians. — "Five hundred thousand dollars appropriated to carry

THEIR PROVISIONS INTO EFFECT. — ThIS DUTY CONFIDED TO Ge_NERAL SheR-

MAN. — Transfer of General Sheridan to the Department of the Mis-
souri. — He CONDEMNS what THE PeACE COMMISSION HAD DONE. — HoLDS
THAT THE IxDIANS SHOULD HAVE BEEN PUNISHED. — GENERAL SheHMAN CO-
, INCIDBS IN THIS OPINION. — AcTION OF THE COMMISSION AT CHICAGO. — CAM-

PAIGN AGAINST " THE HOSTILE INDIANS SOUTH OF THE ARKANSAS," ETC.

Owing to the complications then existing, Congress, on the
20th of July, 1867, created a commission, with a view "to
establish peace with certain hostile Indians." This commis-'^
sion was composed of N^. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs ; J. B. Henderson, chairman of the Indian Committee
of the United States Senate; J. B. Sanborn and S. F. Tappan,
ivilians ; and Generals Sherman, Harney, Terry, and Anger,
f the regular army. The commission was authorized "to
call together the chiefs and head men of such bands of In-
dians as were then waging war, for the purpose of ascertain-
ing theii" reasons for hostility, and, if thought advisable, to
make treaties with them, having in view the following ob-
jects, viz : First. To remove, if possible, the causes of war.
Second. To secure, as far as practicable, our frontier settle-
ments, and the safe building of our railroads looking to the
Pacific. And, Third. To suggest or inaugurate some plan
for the civilization of the Indians." Also, to examine and
select " a district or districts of country, having sufficient
area to receive all the Indian tribes occupying territory east
of the Rocky Mountains," not then peaceably residing on
permanent reservations, under treaty stipulations, etc., which
district or districts should have sufficient arable or grazing
land to enable the tribes placed on them to support them-
selves, and that they should be so located as not to interfere
with established highways of travel, and the contemplated
railroads to the Pacific."

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 195

At the time of its appointment, the commission stated, in
its report, that " war was being openly waged by several hos-
tile tribes, and great diversity of opinion existed among the
officials of the government, and no less diversity among our
people, as to the means best adapted to meet it. Some thought
peaceful negotiations would succeed, while others had no
hope of peace until the Indians were thoroughly subdued by
force of arms. As a concession to this latter sentiment, so
largely prevailing, as well as to meet the possible contingency
of failure by the commission, it was, perhaps, wisely provided,
that in case peace could not be obtained by treaty, or should
the Indians fail to comply with the stipulations they might
make for going on their reservations, the president might call
out four regiments of mounted troops, for the purpose of con-
quering the desired peace."

The condition and temper of the Indian tribes east of the
Rocky Mountains, at that time, was a natural result growing
out of such affairs as Lieutenant Dunn's, at Camp Sanborn ;
Major Dowling's, at Cedar Bluffs ; Colonel Chivington's, at
Sand Creek ; and General Hancock's, at Pawnee Fork ; as
well as other incidents of a like character, of which there
were many, together with the constant aggression of the white
people upon the reservations and hunting grounds of the In-
dians. The dispatch of General Sherman, of the 28th of
December, 1866, had much to do in stiniulaimglirwho were
inclined to annoy and harass the Indians. It was addressed
to General Grant, and was in these words : " Just arrived (at
St. Louis) in time to attend the funeral of my adjutant-general,
Sawyer. I have given general instructions to General Cooke
about the Sioiix. I do not understand how the massacre of
Colonel Fetterman's party could have been so complete. We
must act with vindictive earnestness against the Sioux, even
to their extermination — men, women, and children. IsTothing
less will reach the root of this case." All who felt disposed
to depredate upon the Indians, even to maiming or killing
them, seemed to feel that no matter what excesses they com-
mitted, the military would shield them.

The commission, at first, found some difficulty in securing
interviews with the chiefs and warriors of such tribes as were

196 OUE INBIAN WARDS.

regarded as hostile ; but finally, through the means afforded
at the military posts and Indian agencies, appointments were
made to meet certain bands of the Sioux, at Fort Laramie,
on the 13th of September ; and the Cheyennes, Arapahoes,
Apaches, Kiowas, and Comanches, at Fort Larned, on the
13th of October, 1867. On their way to Fort Laramie, on the
12th of September, the commission found, at North Platte,
on the Pacific Kailroad, a considerable number of Sioux and
northern Cheyennes, some of whom had long been friendly,
and others who but recently had been engaged in war. This
was the first council, and at one time it seemed as if no good
would result from it ; but it proved otherwise, and a full un-
derstanding was arrived at, which, though not reduced to
writing, was, by the Indians, faithfully kept. Of this council,
in their report made to the president, January 7, 1868, the
commission said :

" It was at this council that the hitherto untried policy in
connection with Indians, of endeavoring to conquer by kind-
ness, was inaugurated. Swift Bear, a Brule chief, then and
now a faithful friend of the whitea-, had interested himself to
induce the hostile bands to come to this council, and had <
promised them, if peace were made, that ammunition should
be given them to kill game for the winter. This promise was
not authorized by the commissioners, but we were assured it
had been made, not only by him, but by others of our runners,
and that nothing less would have brought them in. These
Indians are very poor and needy. The game in this section.,
is fast disappearing, and the bow and the arrow are scarcely
sufficient to provide them food. To give one of these Indians
powder and ball, is to give him meat. To refuse it, in his
judgment, dooms him to starvation ; and worse than this, he
looks upon the refusal (especially after a profession of friend-
ship on his part) as an imputation upon his truthfulness and
fidelity. If an Indian is to be trusted at all, he must be
trusted to the full extent of his word. If you betray syiiip--
toms of distrust, he discovers it with nature's intuition, and'
at once condemns the falsehood that would blend friendship
and suspicion together. Whatever our people may have to
say of the insincerity and duplicity of the Indian, would fail

OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 197

to express the estimate entertained by many Indians of the
white man's character in this respect. Promises have so often
been broken by those with whom they usually come in con-
tact ; cupidity has so long plied its work, deaf to their cries
of suffering ; and heartless cruelty has so often sought them
in the garb of charity, that to obtain their confidence, our
promises must be scrupulously fulfilled, and our professions
of friendship divested of all appearance of selfishness and du-
plicity. We are now satisfied, whatever the criticisms on our
conduct at the time — and they were very severe, both by the
ignorant and the corrupt — that had we refused the ammuni-
tion demanded at the council, the war, on their part, would
have resulted in great loss of life and property. As it was,
they at once proceeded to their fall hunt, on the Republican
river, where they killed game enough to subsist themselves
for a large part of the winter, and no act of hostility or wrong
has been perpetrated by them since. The statement of this
fact, if it prove nothing else, may serve to indicate that the
Indian, though barbarous, is yet a man, susceptible of the
feelings which ordinarily respond to the exercise of magna-
nimity and kindness."

While at the North Platte the scouts of the commission
apprised it that the ISTorthern Sioux would not be able to
meet it at Laramie at the time indicated, and thereupon the
meeting at that point was postponed until the 1st of Novem-
ber, and the commission proceeded to a point about eighty
miles south of the Arkansas river, where it met, on Medicine
Lodge creek, the Kiowas, Oomanches, Arapahoes, and
Apaches. The Cheyennes, remembering Cedar Bluff, Sand
Creek, and Pawnee Pork, with the hospitalities of civilization,
as exemplified by Dowling, Chivington, and Hancock, were
absent from the first councils, having camped some fo];ty
miles distant. They were dubious as to the purposes and ob-
jects of the commission. They knew that quite recently
troops had been after some of them, and they did not com-
prehend the change in our policy. Hence they kept at a dis-
tance, but sent in small parties to observe what was in
progress. In due time the commission made a treaty with
the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches; and finally, when the

198 OUR INDIAN WABBS.

Cheyenues came in, a treaty was made with them and the
Arapuhoes. These treaties were executed at Council Camp, on
Medicine Lodge creek — the first one on the 21st, and the sec-
ond on the 28th of October, 1867. After the execution of these
treaties, the limited annuities due these Indians in the spring
of that year, hut which had been withheld, were, by permis-
sion of the commission, distributed to them. The commis-
sion then returned to Laramie to meet the Sioux, but they
were not present. A prevalent belief existed among them
that we had resolved on their extermination, and hence they
were distrustful of the objects of the commission. More-
over, it was too late in the season for those northern Sioux to
come to a council, however much they might have desired to
do so. Eed Cloud sent word to the commission that his hos-
tility was with the view to save the Powder river country
from intrusion, it being the only hunting ground left to his
people. He assured them that whenever the military garri-
sons at Fort Phil. Kearney and Fort C. F. Smith were with-
drawn, his hostility should cease. As the commission had no
authority to make such arrangement, it adjourned to meet in
Washington on the 9th of December, first sending a message
to Red Cloud to meet it early in the spring ; and asked of him
a cessation of hostilities until such meeting was had. On the
return of the commission, by way of North Platte, the mem-
bers received new assurances of peace, even friendship, from
the Indians there assembled, being the same to whom the
ammunition was given at the previous meeting ; and, after
the board arrived at "Washington, it was advised that Red
Cloud had accepted the proposition to cease hostilities, and
meet them in council, as requested.

On the 7th day of January, 1868, the commission, as we have
said, made report of its operations. In every case of complica-
tions existing with the Indians at the date of its creation, and- for
several years previous to that time, and which was investigated by
it, the cause of the difficulty was traced to the wrong-doing of our
own people, both civil and military. In a preceding chapter,
extracts are given from its report, and quoted as the language
of the commission of 1867-8, and these have, doubtless,
already attracted the attention of the reader. Although no

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 199

treaty had then been made with the Sioux, the commission
said, in their report, that " with any thing like prudence and
good conduct, on the part of our people in the future, we be-
lieve the Indian war, east of the Rocky Mountains, is abso-
lutely closed."

In the spring the commission resumed its duties, and met
the Ogallalla and Brul6 Sioux, at Fort Laramie, on the 29th
of April, 1868, concluded a treaty with them, and thereafter,
during the spi'ing and summer, at divers places on the Mis-
souri river, the same treaty was submitted to the Upper and
Lower Yauktonais, Uncpapas, Blackfeet, Sans Arc, Two
Kettle, Minneconju, Lower Brule, and Santee Sioux, and was
accepted and ratified by them. The general provisions in all
these treaties were similar. "War between the parties was to
cease forever. The honor of the government and the In-
dians was pledged to this. If bad men, among the whites,
committed any wrong against the Indians, the government
was to cause the offender to be arrested and punished, and to
reimburse the Indians for losses sustained. If bad men
among the Indians committed wrong against the whites,
the tribe, upon proof, was to deliver up the wrong-doer, to be
punished by the United States, and the person injured to be
reimbursed out of the annuities. The president was to pre-
sci'ibe rules for ascertaining damages ; but no person sustain-
ing loss, while violating the provisions of the treaty, or the
laws of the United States, should be reimbursed therefor.

By the treaty with the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches,
a district of country was set apart for the absolute and undis-
turbed use and occupation of the tl-ibes named, and for such
other friendly tribes or individual Indians, as from time to
time they might be willing, with the consent of the govern-
ment, to admit among them ; and the United States solemnly
agreed " that no person except those herein authorized so to
do, and except such officers, agents, and employes of the gov-
ernment as may be authorized to enter upon Indian reserva-
tions in discharge of duties enjoined by law, shall ever be per-
mitted to pass over, settle upon, or reside in the territory de-
scribed in this (the second) article, or in such territory as may
be added to this reservation for the use of said Indians." The

200 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

territory described in article two, as the reservation thus set
apart, is bounded as follows : " Commencing at a point where
the Washita river crosses the 98th meridian west from Green-
wich; thence up the Washita river, in the middle of the
main channel thereof, to a point thirty miles, by river, west
of Fort Cobb, as now established ; thence due west to the
norlh fork of Eed river, provided said line strikes said river
east of the 100th meridan of west longitude, if not, then only
to said meridian line, and thence south on said meridian line
to the said north fork of Eed river ; thence down said north
fork, in the middle of the main channel thereof, from the
point where it ma^' be first intersected by the lines above de-
scribed, to the main Red river; thence down said river, in the
middle of the main channel thereof, to its intersection with
the 98th meridian of longitude west from Greenwich ; thence
north on said meridian to the place of beginning."

By the second article of the treaty with the Cheyennes and
Arapahoes, the following district of country was set apart for
their undisturbed use and occupation, together with such
other friendly tribes or individual Indians, as from tinje to
time they might be willing, with the consent of the govern-
ment, to admit among them, to wit : " Commencing at a point
where the Arkansas river crosses the 37th parallel of north
latitude; thence west on said parallel — the said line being the
southern boundary of the State of Kansas — to the Cimarron
river (sometimes called the Red fork of the Arkansas river) ;
thence down said Cimarron river, in the middle of the
main channel thereof, to the Arkansas river; thence up the
Arkansas river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to
the place of beginning." The same guaranty is given in this
case as in that with the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches,
that no person, other than those excepted, shall ever be per-
mitted to pass over, settle upon, or reside in the territory set
apart to the Cheyennes and Arapahoes as their reservation."

In both treaties the Indians, parties to each, stipulated that
they will relinquish the right to occupy permanently the ter-
ritory outside of the reservations above described, but they
all reserve the right to hunt on any lands south of the Ar-
kansas, so long as the buffalo may range thereon in such

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 201

numbers as to justify the chase, and it is agreed on the part
of the government that " no white settlements shall be per-
mitted on any part of the old reservation, as defined by the
treaty made between the United States and the Cheyenne,
Arapahoe, and Apache Indians, at ,the mouth of the Little
Arkansas, under date of October 14, 1865, within three years
from this date" (October, 1867). '

The Indians withdraw all pretense of opposition to the
building of rail or wagon roads, and the construction of mail
stations or other works of utility or necessity, which may be
authorized by law; but should such roads or other works be
constructed on the lands within the reservations, the govern-
ment will pay the tribes whatever amount of damages may be
assessed by three disinterested commissioners, to be appointed
by the president, one of whom shall be a chief or head man
of the tribes. The provisions of those treaties are numerous,
and contain mutual covenants by the contracting parties.
Among them is the following : That no treaty for the cession
of any portion or part of the reservations, which are held in
common, shall be of any validity or force as against the said
Indians, unless executed and signed by at least three-fourths
of all the adult male Indians occupying the same, and no ces-
sion by the tribes shall be understood or construed in such
manner as to deprive, without his consent, any individual
member of a tribe of his right to any tract of land selected
by him, as provided in the treaty, for a homestead.

In the treaty with the Sioux, there was set apart for their
reservation, and guaranteed to them and such other friendly
tribes or individual Indians, as from time to time they might
be willing, with the consent of the United States, to admit
among them, for their absolute and undisturbed use and occu-
pation, the following tract of country : " Commencing on the
east bank of the Missouri river where the 46th parallel of
north latitude crosses the same; thence along low-water mark
down said east bank, to a point opposite to where the northern
line of the State of Nebraska strikes the river; thence west ,
across said river and along the northern line of IS'ebraska to
the 104th degree of longitude west from Greenwich ; thence
north on said meridian to a point where the 46th parallel of

202 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

north latitude intersects tiie same ; thence due east along said
parallel to the place of beginning, and in addition thereto all
existing reservations on the east bank of the river." Tlio
same guaranties for the prohibition of intruders are incor-
porated as in the treaty with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes.
In this, as in the other treaties, it is stipulated that no cession
of any part or portion of the reservation shall be of any va-
lidity or force, unless executed and signed by three-fourths of
all the adult male Indians occupying and interested in the
same, and no cession shall deprive such Indians as have se-
lected homesteads of their rights, without their consent. The
provision in relation to building rail and wagon roads, etc., is
the same as in the other treaties in all respects.

In the Sioux treaty the United States stipulated that " the \
country north of the North Platte river, and east of the sum-
mit of the Big Horn Mountains, shall be held and considered
to be unceded Indian territory, and also stipulated and agreed
that no white person or persons shall be permitted to settle
upon or occupy any portion of the same, or without the con-
sent of the Indians first had and obtained, to pass through
the same ; and it is further agreed by the United States, that
within ninety days after the conclusion of peace with all the
bands of the Sioux nation, the military posts now established
in the territory in this article named, shall be abandoned, and
that the road leading to them, and by them to the settlements
in the Territory of Montana, shall be closed up." And the
Indians agreed to relinquish all right to occupy permanently
the territory outside of the reservation, as defined in the
treaty, but yet reserved the right to hunt on any lands north
of the N"orth Platte, and on the Republican fork of the Smoky
Hill river, so long as the buffalo may range thereon in suf-
ficient numbers to justify the chase. It was further agreed
that such of the Sioux as should elect to lead the life of
nomads, and roam and hunt, should each receive, for the
space of thirty years, ten dollars and a suit of clothes each
year.

The treaties of Medicine Lodge creek were not ratified by
the Senate until in the month of July, 1868, and were not
proclaimed by the president until in August, 1868. The

OUB INDIAN WARDS. 203

treaty with the Sioux was ratified aud proclaimed in the latter
part of February, 1869.

In their report, the commission recommended the setting
apart of two districts of country for the colonization of such
Indians thereon, permanently, as had not then a residence on
permanent reservations. One of these to be bounded north
by the 46th parallel, south by the northern line of llTebraska,
east by the Missouri river, aud west by the 104th meridian ;
the other, east by the States of Missouri and Arkansas, west
by the 101st meridian, north by Kansas, and south by Texas.
In reference to the treaties concluded previous to the date of
their report, the commission said :

" In making treaties, it was enjoined on us to remove, if
possible, the causes of complaint on the part of the Indians.
This would be no easy task. We have done the beat we could,
under the circumstances, but it is now rather late in the day
to think of obliterating from the minds of the present gen-
eration the remembrance of wrong. Among civilized men,
war usually springs from a sense of injustice. When we learn
that the same rule holds good with Indians, the chief difficulty
is removed. But it is said ourwars with them have been almost
constant. Have we been uniformly unjust ? We answer, un-
hesitatingly, yes. We are aware that the masses of our people
have felt kindly toward them, and the legislation of Congress
has always been conceived in the best intentions, but it has
been erroneous in fact or perverted in execution. ISTobody
pays any attention to Indian matters. This is a deplorable
fact. Members of Congress understand the negro question,
and talk learnedly on finance, and other problems of political
economy, but when the progress of settlement reaches the
Indian's home, the only question considered is, ' how best to
get his lands?' When they are obtained, the Indian is lost
sight of.; While our missionary societies and benevolent
associations have annually collected thousands of dollars from
the charitable, to be sent to Asia and Africa, for the purposes
of civilization, scarcely a dollar is expended, or a thought he-
stowed, on the civilization of Indians at our very doors. Is
it because the Indians are not worth the effort at civilization?
Or is it because our people, who have grown rich in the occu-

204 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

patioii of tlieir former lands — too often taken by force or pro-
cured by fraud — will not contribute? It would be harsh to
insinuate that covetous eyes have been set on their remaining
possessions, and extermination harboi'ed as a means of accom-
plishing it. . . . Would it not be well to so regulate our
future conduct in this matter as to exclude the possibility of
an unfavorable impression ?"

As we have stated, tlie Senate did not ratify the treaties
made in the fall of 1867, until after midsummer in 1868. In-
deed, they were not proclaimed by the president until the
latter part of August, 1868. Under the circumstances, the
delay worked great injury. The Indians (Cheyennes and
Arapahoes) had surrendered the reservation they had under
the provisions of the treaty of October, 1865, with the guar-
anty, however, that no white settlements should be made
upon it for the perio'd of three years from and after October,

1867. The delay in the action of the Senate, and the conse-
quent delay in appropriations of money to carry the new
treaties into effect, the Indians could not comprehend. In
the meantime, white people entered the old reservation, and
began to make settlements on the land. No effort was made
to check this trespass. The Indians were necessarily ousted,
and this made them restless and uneasy. Practically, all that
was left them was the hunting right south of the Arkansas.

Gen. Sheridan, who had been for some time in Louisiana at-
tending to reconstruction matters, having been transferred to
the department of the Missouri, early in the month of April,

1868, visited the military posts on the Arkansas, and when at
Fort Dodge, in Kansas, found encamped in that region many
Indians, composed of Kiowas, Comanches, Cheyennes, and
Arapahoes. These Indians sought an interview with him,
and this he declined to grant, stating to them that ho was
simply visiting the military posts to learn their condition and
that of the soldiers, and that he was not authorized to talk
with them. Such is his own statement. It will be noticed
that these Indians were near a military post, and desired au
interview with the commander of the military district in
which they resided. There was no pretense in any quarter,
at that time, that they had any hostile design. They were

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 205

practically without a home ; had not received the annual an-
nuities due them that spring, under the treaty of 1865, and
no appropriation had been made for fulfilling the provisions
of the treaties of 1867. Indeed, these last v^ere then, and for
nearly four months thereafter, reposing in the pigeon-holes
of the Senate, at "Washington, awaiting the action of that
august body. The Indians were destitute. On the 16th of
April, 1868, the commissioner of Indian affairs, in view of
this destitution, had requested the secretary of the interior to
ask Congress for a special appropriation for the relief of these
and other Indians, alike destitute, and the secretary immedi-
ately asked Congress for such appropriation. That body took
no action in the matter. The local agents of these Indians
besought the department for aid, and feared deplorable re-
sults should Congress fail to respond and make proper pro-
vision for these needy Indians. On the 28th of May, the In-
dian bureau again laid the matter before the secretary, who,
on the following day, implored Congress for prompt action to
save some of the Indians from actual starvation. A third ap-
peal brought forth an appropriation of $500,000, made by a
law approved on the 20th July, 1868, to be expended, not by
the Indian bureau, but by Gen. Sherman. Had Geii. Sheri-
dan deigned to give these starving Indians a hearing when at
Fort Dodge, in April, they would no doubt have stated to him,
with great frankness, their condition and their needs. This
he declined to do, and yet had a willing ear for the stories
told \)y the people about the fort. He said, in a report of his
tour : " From all I couldTearn at Fort Dodge, there appeared
to be outspoken dissatisfaction on the parfof the Indians, to
removing to their reservations assigned by the treaty.jaf-Medi-
cine Lodge creek, of the previous fall. ... I learned,
from officers and others, that all the tribes considered the
treaty of no importance except to get the annuities promised
in it, and that they did not intend to go oin their reservations.""
When we call to mind that the treaties (not treaty) of the fall
previous, were then in the pigeon-holes of the Senate, and
were not ratified and proclaimed for more than four mouths
thereafter, this statement of Gen. Sheridan does not impress
one very favorably with the intelligence of the local officers

206 OUE IlffDIAN WARDS.

at the fort, or their superior, the commander of the department
of the Missouri. It is, however, apparent that what he
learned about the fort was precisely the sort of information
he desired. He had made up his mind in advance, and no
doubt before he visited Fort Dodge, in relation to the proper
mode of dealing with these Indians. His conclusions, when
oflBcially promulgated, were as follows :

^■^ " I am of opinion these Indians require to be soundly
whipped; the ringleaders, in the present trouble, hung; their
ponies killed, and such destruction of their property made, as
will render them very poor. . . . The motives of the
peace commission were humane, but there was an error of
judgment in making peace with these Indians last fall. They
should have been punished and made to give up the plunder
captured, and which they now hold, and after properly sub-
mitting to the military and disgorging their plunder, they
could have been turned over to the civil agents. These In-
dians are now rich in horses, stock, and other property suit-
able to their comfort in their manner of life. From the best
information, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes will average from
twenty to two hundred horses to the lodge of six persons;
most of this stock has been accumulating in their periodical
wars." He adds : " These Indians are better armed than our
own people."

Others, who were presumed to know and did know, had
said these Indians were poor, and it is difficult to see how
they could be otherwise. For several years pirevious to that
time they were almost constantly harassed, their villages
burned, and their provisions and property destroyed, and
many of their ponies taken from them or killed. The peace
commission, when negotiating with them in the fall of 1867,
mingling among and dwelling with them for several weeks,
were not attracted by this great wealth to which G-eneral
Sheridan refers, and for the simple reason that the statement
was without any foundation. They had no such wealth.
The rebuke of the peace commission, in the statement that it
meant well, but erred in judgment when it made treaties with
these Indians instead of whipping them, and the allegation
that they had such wealth, were all stated in an official letter to

OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 207

Gen. Sherman, for the inspection of himself and his col-
leagues on the commission, and thus Gen. Sheridan evinced
his extreme modesty, as well as his studious regard for accu-
racy in the preparation of his official papers. In fact, lie
knew nothing about the temper of these Indians, or their
worldly possessions, and yet he wrote of both as though he
had personal knowledge in the premises.

Having come to the conclusion, and expressed his belief,
that these Indians deserved punishment, before ho left Fort
Dodge, General Sheridan commenced preliminary arrange-
ments looking in that direction; and took into his employ-
ment three men as scouts, and assigned to each a certain dis-
trict in which to operate, and report to him weekly. As the
employment of these men depended on Indian complications,
and they were experts in the business, if none existed, they
knew well how to originate them. Moreover, they were all
imbued with the feelings of their distinguished employer, and
ready to respond to his desires, and these were clearly in favor
of a case that would serve as a pretext for making war^on the
Indians.

The last communication of the commissioner of Indian
affairs to the secretary of the interior, of the date of June 23y„
1868, appealing for aid for these Indians in their destitute con- '
dition, was accompanied by a letter from the superintendent
of Indian affairs in the district in which the Indians resided.
He said : " These Indians, taking it for granted that they had
sold their old reservation when they made the treaties (of
October, 1867), and expecting soon to be removed to their
new homes, did not, to any great extent, cultivate their
farms, and made no improvements; and, their treaties not be-
ing ratified, they could not be made to understand why this
was so, and wonder why they have not been provided with
their new homes ; and, as the whites are continually trespass-
ing on them, and moving on the ceded country and opening
farms, and circulating false rumors relative to the Indians,
and the disposition intended to be made of them by the gov-
ernment, the Indians have become excited," and he feared
that if they were not removed from Kansas serious conflicts
■would arise between them and the whites. Such a condition

208 OUR INBIAJf WARDS.

of things as this opened a field for General Sheridan's scouts.
This they cultivated, and it was not long until that oflBcer
came to the conclusion that the Indians, especially the Chey-
ennes and Arapahoes, were " hostile," and he began to pre-
pare troops to operate against them. From whence he
derived any lawful authority it is difficult to divine. Military^
officers are, however, on the frontier, and in the Indian coun- /
try, as a general thing, a law unto themselves, and make war/
on Indian tribes whenever they please to do so. He had re/
ports of depredations, robberies, and murders committed by
Indians, in the most minute form ; and these were formidable
indeed, since he had experts in that line, under good pay, and
whose employment depended on keeping him advised of the
fact that there were " hostile " Indians in their districts, com-
mitting depredations that required they should be punished.
It is an indisputable fact, that for wrong and injury done them,
and because of settlements being made on the old reservation
by the white people, the Indians, in time, became excited,
and some did commit depredations. It may, however,
be safely assumed that the detail of these which General
Sheridan exhibited, on careful investigation, would bear re-
vision ; and it may be affirmed that, in the formidable bill of
indictment which he presented against the Indians, there was
not an item that he could, if put upon the stand, by his own
testimony, have verified. Yet the whole collection was em-
bodied in an official document addressed by him to General
Sherman, under date of September 26, f&SS, and by the
latter laid before his colleagues of the peace commission, at
their meeting in Chicago, early in October, 1868. All qf the
members were present except Senator Henderson and General
Harney. The commission was in session several days, and
the report of General Sheridan in relation to the depreda-
tions of the Indians, and his views as to the necessity of their
punishment, as well as the future custody of the Indiana,
which he urged should be transferred to the war department,
were considered. The Indians were not represented^ either
in person or by counsel. At this meeting of the commission, the
military portion, joined by Mr. Sanborn, having the ascend-
ency, passed resolutions that the government should ceaae to

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 209

treat with Indians as independent tribes ; that the clauses, in i
the treaties with the Indians, made at Medicine Lodge creek,
in October, 1867, allowing them to roam and hunt outside of
the reservations, should be at once abrogated ; that the In-
dians should be compelled, by military force, to go on the res-
ervations assigned them by the treaties of October, 1867, and
that the Indian bureau should be tul^ried over to the war |
department !

These resolutions were adopted by a vote of four to two,
Commissioner Taylor and Colonel Tappan voting in the neg- /
ative. On his return to St. Louis, General Sherman immedi-
ately advised General Sheridan of the action of the peace
commission, and said : " I have sent you by mail every thing
in relation to the action of the Indian peace commissioners,
at Chicago, and of the interior department, about the Chey-
ennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, with
whom you are now engaged at open war." He informed
Sheridan that at the Chicago meeting', one of his colleagues.
Colonel Tappan, had "stated that the officers of our army,
instead of protecting the Indians against the infuriated whites,
had joined $he border people in their constant cry of ' exter-
mination,' intimating that you and I had changed over to
that creed from interested -motives. I denounced this in terms
80 harsh, that 'I KeTIt will not be repeated in my hearing ^
but he will not hesitate to carry his assertions to other ears,
even in Congress, willing to hear any thing to our disparage-
ment." General Sherman was industrious, at the Chicago
meeting, in pressing upon his colleagues, what he termed
" abundant testimony," against the Indians, but Jigither he
nor any of the members of the cojmmission, except Taylor
and Tappan, had one word to say against the " infuriated
whites," for their conduct tow ardthe Indians; no condemna-
tion of those who had settled on the old reservation ; no
steps suggested for the removal of such from it, although the
commission had pledged to the Indians, in the treaties of
October, 1867, that no settlements should be made upon it for
three years from that time. The action of the peace com-
mission, at Chicago, was a complete repudiation of all its.
14

210 ouE Indian waeds.

previous work, including the many grand utterances embodied
in its report of January 7, 1868, and thereupon, without com-
pleting th-e work Congress confided to it, adjourned sine die.
We shall not attempt to comment on its conduct. The mere
statement of the facts is sufficient. The names of the gentle-
men who voted affirmatively at Chicago, are : Generals Sher-
man, Terry, and Auger, of the United States army, and J.
13. Sanborn, civilian.

It was specified, in the act of Congress of July 20, 1868,
appropriating the sum of $500,000, to be expended under the
direction of General Sherman, that the money should be ap-
plied in " carrying out treaty stipulations, making and pre-
paring homes, furnishing provisions, tools, and farming uten-
sils, and furnishing food for such bands of Indians with which
treaties have been made by the Indian peace commissioners,
and not yet ratified, and defraying the expenses of the com-
mission in making such treaties and carrying their provisions
into effect." As none of the treaties were then ratified, this
fund was applicable to all of them.

On the 10th day of August, 1868, General Sherman, with a
view to execute the duties imposed on him by law, connected
with the disbursement of this money, issued a general order,
with a view to bringing the work into "full harmony with
the military interests of the frontier." By this order he desig-
nated and set apart two districts of country, which he consti-
tuted military districts. The first embracing all the country^
west of the Missouri river, within the Sioux reservation ; the
second, the country bounded east by Arkansas, south b/
Texas, north by Kansas, and west by the 100th meridian. He
assigned General Harney to the command of the first district,
to have the supervision of the Sioux, and all issues and dis-
bursements to them, subject only to the authority of. th«
lieutenant-general commanding. He made a like assignmfent
of the second district to General Hazen, to have supervision
and control of the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, and Co-
manches, and such other bands as were then, or may thereafter
be, therein located, to have the supervision and control of all
issues and disbursements to said Indians, subject only to the
authority of the lieutenant-general commanding. Out of the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 211

appropriation of $500,000, General Sherman set apart $200,000
to and for the use of the Sioux district, to be disbursed by
•Creneral Harney ; and $50,000 to and for the use of the In-
-dians in the second district, to be disbursed by General Hazen.
As early as the 17th of September, 1868, General Sherman,
"by some process not disclosed in the'published documents,
but no doubt through correspondence with General Sheridan,
became impressed with the opinion that the Cheyennes and
Arapahoes were not only hostile, but that they were actually
■at war with our people, and on that day so wrote to the sec-
retary of war. He alleged that the treaty of Medicine Lodge
•creek had been broken by them ; that the" department should
invoke the superior orders of the president against any goods
•whatever, even clothing, going to any part of these tribes,
until the matter was settled. He claimed that, as military
-commander, he had the right, unless restrained by superior
authority, to prevent the issue of any goods whatever to In-
dians outside of their reservations. He seemed to be perfectly
■oblivious to the fact that these Indians, by virtue of a treaty
made with them, by the peace commission, of which he was
a member, had a right guaranteed to them to roam and hunt
^south of the Arkansas, on any land where the buffalo ranged,
and he seemed further to have forgotten that no steps had
been taken to erect an agency-house, or any other buildiugs,
on their new reservation, and, moreover, that Congress had
given to him, and to no one else, the money, and confided to
hira the initial steps in the fulfillment of the treaty stipula-
tions with those very Indians, thus confiding to him a high
"trust. The temper he was in when about to- enter into the
discharge of this duty, may be inferred from a further extract ^
from his letter of September 17, to the secretary of war. « He
said : " Ifo better time could possibly be chosen than the
present for destroying or humbling these baads that have so
outrageously violated their treaty, and began a desolating war
without one particle of provocation ; and after a reasonable
time given for the innocent to withdraw, 1 will solicit an !
•order from the president, declaring all Indians who remaiii
outside of their reservations to be declared ' outlaws,' and ;;
<;ummanding all people— soldiers and citizens — to proceed ,

212 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

against them as such." These are remarkable utterances to
fall from the lips of this peace commissioner, who was charged
with the authority and supplied with the means to take all
needful steps to fulfill our treaty stipulations with the Indians.
For some time previous to the 17th of September, the troops
of General Sheridan had been, and were then, in motion, and
ou the 19th of the month, General Sherman again wrote the
secretary of war that the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were at
war ; that the troops could not discriminate between the well
disposed and warlike parts of those bands, unless absolute
separation be made, and suggested that the " agent" collect
all of the former, and conduct them to their reservation, within
the Indian Territory, south of Kansas, there to be provided for
under their treaty, " say, about old Fort Cobb." He did not
appear to understand that their reservation was not in the
vicinity of old Fort Cobb, although the peace commission de-
fined the boundaries of it, nor did he remember that he, and
not the civil agent, had the money to be expended in making
provision for them; and that he had, on the 11th of August,
1868, notified the secretary of the interior, that in the fulfill-
ment of the duties confided to him, he should employ military
agents, because he had more faith in their manner of doing
business, and because their forms of accounts were more fa-
miliar to him, and more easy to be examined and approved.
Indeed, on the 10th of August, 1868, he had assigned General
Hazen to duty in the district in which the reservation of these
Indians was situate. Moreover, about the 20th of September,
Colonel "Wynkoop, the civil agent of .these Indians, ceased to
discharge the duties of agent for them, because of the action
of General Sherman. Colonel Leavenworth, the agent of the
Comanches and Kiowas, had left the Indian country gome
time previous, and did not return. This was to be regretted,
but it did seem that these civil oifecers could not remain.
Military forms and military agents had been adopted by
General Sherman, and hence there was nothing for the civil
officers to do.

As to the temper of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, it may
be stated that on the 10th day of August, 1868, Colonel "Wyn-
koop wrote to the department that on the day previous he

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 213

had made an issue of the annuity goods and ammunition to the
'Cheyenne chiefs and their people; that they were delighted
at receiving them, and never before had he known them to
he better satisfied. These goods, etc., were limited in amount
and due under the treaty of 1865, and should have been is-
sued in the spring, but had, from some cause, been delayed
until that time. Several weeks before this issue, a dissatisfied
party had started north from the Cheyenne village, on the war-
-path against the Pawnees, and they, while out, got into diflS-
culty with the whites, and committed some excesses and out-
rages on the Saline river. The agent. Colonel Wynkoop, hav-
ing learned the fact, submitted the matter of these outrages to
two of the principal chiefs. Medicine Arrow and Little liock,
and demanded that they deliver up the perpetrators, which
they promised should be done ; but before sufficient time had
elapsed for them to fulfill this promise, the troops were in the
field and the Indians in flight. Colonel Wynkoop, in a com-
munication detailing the excesses on the Saline, and the
demand he had made, remarked that General Sheridan was
then at Fort Dodge, organizing an expedition to go in pursuit
of the Cheyennes who had gone south of the Arkansas when the
trouble began, and that the probabilities were that if the troops
tstruck any Indians, it would be the wrong parties.

In a communication from Colonel "Wynkoop to the Indian
office, after he had arrived at Philadelphia, he said that a
" few thousand dollars for subsistence for these starving In-
dians at the proper time would have saved millions to the
treasury, saved many white men's lives, saved the necessity of
hunting down and destroying innocent Indians for the faults
of the guilty, and driving into misery and starvation numbers
of women and little children, not one of whom but then
mourned some relative brutally murdered at the horrible mas-
sacre at Sand Creek, and who still suffijr from the loss of their
habitations and property, wantonly destroyed by Major-Gen-
eral Hancock." He concludes his letter thus: "Had each
member of Congress seen what I have of the injustice prac-
ticed toward these Indians, they would imagine there was not
sufficient money in the United States treasury to appropriate
for their benefit."

214 OUR INDIAN "WARDS.

General Sheridan had, for some time previous to his visit to-
Fort Dodge, been operating with detached squads of troops,
and was then preparing a plan for an elaborate campaign.
These annoyed and harassed the Indians very much, and*
wherever possible killed them. In turn the Indians retaliated,
killing some whites, and among them some of Sheridan's
scouts. His elaborate preparations contemplated in the end a
winter campaign against the " hostile Indians south of the
Arkansas," to be composed of columns moving from the east,
north, and west of the section of country in which he sup-
posed the " hostile " tribes were, nnd thus force them into the
western part of the Indian Territory. He expected with these
converging columns to compel the Indians to surrender and
be placed on reservations, or chastised into peace. In addi-
tion to all the regular troops he could command and draw to
his service, he called upon the Osage Indians and invited^
them to send him warriors to joitT tlie^expedition, and ob-
tained two hundred of them, whom he attached to the com-
mand under General Custer. They were called the Osage-
trailers. General Hazen, who should^ have been at Fort Cobb,
at farthest, by the middle of September, iiot as a fighting
soldier, but clothed in the garb of " peace," to which service-
he was detailed ou the 10th of August, was, as late as the 18th
of -October, at Americus, Kansas, inviting the K;awJ[ndians to
siapply the expedition "with several companies of their war-
riors, to go out against the " hostile Indians south of the Ar^^
kansas." In communicating the offer of the Kaws, General
Hazen wrote General Sheridan, and said : " They would be
twice the service to you in actually making war, than an en-
tire regiment of equipped cavalry." Indeed, General Hazeii__
became so inspired with the soun3~of the war bugle, that he-
seemed willing to surrender his trust and the |50,000 allowed
him to entertain the friendly Indians at Fort Cobb, and mod-
estly said : " I would not hesitate, if desired, for a moment,
in taking full control of these (Kaws), with the Caddoes,.
Wichitaws, Shawnees, and Delawares, probably in all four or
five hundred." And then, by way of illustrating from a mil^
itary standpoint, his fitness for the trust to which General Sher- ,
man assigned him, to go to Fort Cobb and take charge of tlaej

OUR IXJDIAN WARDS. 215

friendly Indians, he said of the Kaw and others, whom he
would like to command in the fight against the ." hostiles,"
they " ought to he given all they take from the Indians.
They will also want rations, arms, and some pay." V^lv*.^

The governQr_of_Kaasas also caught the contagion, llis '
very soul was filled with martial ardor, and he not only sup •
plied some militia for local posts, but raised a regiment of
volunteers and resigned his ofi[ice to lead it in the combat, and
was its coloneT

Last, b^It not least. General Sherman, one of the peace
commissioners, the very one to whom Congress had voted the
raou ej to fulfill the_s.tir"^"^'"n« of the treati es that his com-
mission had made with the Indians, conies to the front, and
on the 15th of Octo ber, 186 8, wrote to General Sheridan thus :
" I have all youi- dispatches and letters up to date, and do not
see wherein I can further assist you or relieve you of unpleas-
ant responsibility. I am so conscious of the great difficulty
of satisfying public clamor, and of fighting small scattered
bands of Indians, well mounted, armed, and equipped, that I
want to leave you perfectly free to do what your judgment
approves, and yet to assume as much responsibility as possible,
to relieve you in case of any delay or temporary failure. . . .
I will say nothing and do nothing to restmin ourjiroops from,
doing what they deem proper on the spot, and will allow no
mere vague general chatgeajof^criielty and inhumanity to tie
their hands, but will use all the power confided to me to the
end that these Indians, the enemies of our race and our civil-
ization, shall not again be able to begin and carrj' on their
barbarous warfare on any kind of pretext that they may
choose to allege. . . . Xou may now go ahead in your
own way, and I will back you withjny^?vhole_jjithoriJyj,_ani^
stand between you^a^nd^any eSorts thatjnay^^be_attempted in
your rear to restrain your purpt55S"5f'chec^_yoHT troops." In
the report of the peace comniTssion, dated January ^,_18§8",
after reciting all the complications and conflicts with these
Indians, from and including the attack on the Cheyenne vil-
lage by Chivington, in 1864, up to the date of the report, and
in every case tracing the difficulty to the doors of our own
rate, the commission said : " We would not blunt the vigilance

210 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

of military men in the Indian country, but would warn them
against the arts of the selfish and unprincipled, who need to
be watched as well as the Indians." When we call to mind
that Congress, with this report before it, with General Sher-
man's name attached thereto, had confided to him the duty
of seeing that the provisions of the treaties were fulfilled, and
voted him $500,000 for that purpose ; that he had done nothing
beyond assigning General Hazen to the command of the dis-
trict, and placed in his hands $50,000 to be expended for the
benefit of the Indians ; that Hazen had not then (October 15th)
been to Fort Cobb, but three days later (October" 18th) was
among the Kaw Indians, receiving offerrs from them to sup-
ply warriors to join Sheridan's expedition, and tendering his
own services as their commandeV, the language and conduct
of General Sherman are extraSrdinary indeed. It is not nec-
essary to analyze or criticise either. Every intelligent reader
will arrive at his own conclusion in the premises. The subject
will be resumed in the next chapter.

OUR INDIA.N WARDS. 217

CHAPTER XII.

■General Shekidah's operations. — Movements of General Custer. — His

SCBPKISE AND DESTRUCTION OF BlACK KeTTLe's VILLAGE, CALLED BY THE
MILITARY " THE BATTLE OF THE WaSHITA." — HlS RETtTRN TO GENERAL

Sheridan's headquarters at Camp Supply. — Incidents and events op
the march op the command from thence, via the battle-ground, to fokt
Cobb.

General Sheridan left Fort Hayes about the middle of E'o-
vember, 1868, expecting to overtake his invading army at
Bear creek. From that point he was to move toward the In-
dian Territory, but there was an impression that he would
not set out thence immediately. The newspaper correspond-
ents with him said he had a large supply of extra horses, and
the best outfit that had ever taken the field on the plains. He
had, in advance, sent forward 400,000 rations to Fort Dodge,
500,000 to Fort Lyon, and 300,000'to Fort Arbuckle, and thus
prepared for his winter campaign.

The one-tenth of this amount of food given to these home-
less Indians, would have accomplished all that was necessary,
and completely composed and quieted all that were excited,
as the small gift to the Sioux satisfied them the fall before.
To have supplied these Indians with food would not, how-
ever, have been a gift, but the simple performance of an ob-
ligation, under the treaties of Medicine Lodge creek. But
to have done this would not have met the views of the " ig-
norant and corrupt," such as criticised the conduct of the
peace commission in the case of the Sioux. Nor would it
have satisfied General Sheridan. He had decided on a winter
campaign, the objects of which were " to strike the Indians
and force them on the reservations set apart for them," and
if this could not be accomplished, " to show the Indian that
the winter season could not give him rest, and that he and his
village and stock could be destroyed ; that he ,would have no
security, except in obeying the laws of peace and humanity."
JEe had various columns in operation, whom he called " beat-

218 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

ers in," but these were not expected to accompliah much, ex-
cept to crowd the Indians south, and concentrate them in the
Washita valley, in the direction of old Fort Cobb, General
Sheridan arrived at Camp Supply on the 21st of November,
where he found the forces of G-eneral Sully engaged in erect-
ing houses, digging wells, and such other iraprovemeuts as
were necessary to protect his supplies. "A furious snow-
storm commenced on the same evening, which continued all
night and the next day, making the situation very gloomy,
especially on account of the non-arrival of the Nineteenth
Kansas," which was expected about this time. This was the
regiment of Governor Crawford. General Sheridan was
much disappointed at the non-arrival of this regiment, since
it was his intention to have united it with the Seventh Cav-
alry (Custer's), and launched both on the Indians at once.
Notwithstanding the incle'mency of the weather and the ab-
sence of Crawford's regiment, General Sheridan orJered Gen-
eral Custer to move his regiment, " storm or no storm," on
the morning of the 23d of November. In. obedience to orders.
General Custer moved promptly on that morning, at daylight,
"although the snow continued to fall with unabated fury."
For some time previous to this date, California Joe and some
other scouts had been out in search of "hostile" Indians, and
the Osage allies, or •' trailers," had been out on the same er-
rand. Had these scouts discovered the Indian villages on the
Washita and so advised General Sheridan ? And was this
precipitate movement made in such inclement weather, under
the apprehension that the Indians might learn that troops
were coming from the north, and hence move their villages?
In General Shei'idan's report of the operations of General
('uster, dated November 29, 1868, he says :

" I have the honor to report for the information of the
lieutenant-general, the following operations of General Cus-
ter's command. On the 23d of November I ordered General
Custer to proceed, with eleven companies of his regiment of
Seventh Cavalry, in a southerly direction toward the Antelope
Hills, in search of hostile Indians. On the 26th he struck
the trail of a war party of Black Kettle's band, returning
from the north, near where the eastern line of the Pan Han-

OUR IXDIAX WARDS. 219'

die of Texas crosses the main Canadian. He at once aban-
doned his wagons and followed in pursuit over to the head-
waters of the "Washita, and thence down that stream, and on
the morning of the 27th surprised the camp of Black Kettle,
and after a desperate fight, in which Black Kettle was assisted
by the Arapahoes, under Little Raven, and the Kiowas, un-
der Satanta, captured the entire camp, killing the chief, Black
Kettle, and one hundred and three warriors, whose bodies^
were left on the field, all their stock, ammunition, arms, lodges,
robes, and fifty-three women and three children. Our loss was
Mnjor Elliot, Captain Hamilton, and nineteen enlisted men
killed ; Brevet Colonel Barnitz badly wounded ; Brevet Lieu-
tenant-Colohel Custer, Second Lieutenant E. J. Marsh, and
eleven enlisted men wounded.

" Little Raven's band of Arapahoes, and Satanta's band of
Kiowas, were encamped six miles below Black Kettle's camp.
About eight or nine hundred animals captured were shot, the
balance kept for military purposes. The highest credit is due
General Custer and his command. They started in a furious
snow-storm, and traveled all the while in snow twelve inches
deep.

"Black Kettle's and Little Raven's families are among the
prisoners. It was Black Kettle's band who committed the
first depredations on the Saline and Solomon rivers in Kansas.
The Kansas regiment has just come in. They missed the-
trail and had to struggle in the snow-storm ; the horses suffer-
ing much in flesh, and the men living on buffalo meat and
other game for eight days. ... If we can get one or two
more good blows there will be no more Indian troubles in my
department. We will be pinched in our ability to supply, and
nature will present many difficulties in our winter operations;-
but we will have stout hearts and do our best. Two white
children were captured; one white woman, and one boy, two
years old, were brutally murdered by the Indian women when
the attack commenced."

This report was addressed to General Sherman, from the
depot on the North Canadian, at the junction with Beaver
creek. In transmitting the same to the adjutant-general, at
"Washington, General Sherman indorsed on it : " This gives-

220 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

General Sheridan a good initiation. I understand his supply
depot to be on Rabbit Ear creek, a little west of south from
Fort Dodge, whence he can direct operations; and his very-
presence there will give assurance that the troops will act
with energy-, and that nothing will be done but what is right.
. . . The bands of Black Kettle, Little Raven, and Sa-
tanta are well known to us, and are the same that have been
along the Smoky Hill the past five years, and, General Sheridan
reports, embrace the very same men who first began this war
on the Saline and Solomon."

The report made by General Custer, of the battle of the
Washita, and addressed to General Sheridan, is dated, "In
the field, on the "Washita, November 28, 1868," one day pre-
ceding the date of the report of the latter to General Sher-
man, and is as follows :

" General: On the morning of the 26th instant, this com-
mand, comprising eleven troops of the Seventh Cavalry,
struck a trail of an Indian war party, numbering about one
hundred warriors. The trail was not quite twenty-four hours
old, and was first discovered neai;^the point where the Texas
boundary line crosses the Canadian river. The direction was
toward the southeast. The ground being covered by twelve
inches of snow, no difliculty was to be experienced in follow-
ing the trail. A vigorous pursuit was at once instituted;
wagons, tents, and other impediments to a rapid march, were
abandoned. From daylight until nine o'clock at night, the
pursuit was unchecked ; horses and men were then allowed
one hour for refreshments ; and then, at ten p. m., the march
was resumed, and continued until 1 : 30 A. m., when our Osage
trailers reported a village within less than a mile from our ad-
vance. The column was countermarched, and withdrawn to
a retired point, to prevent discovery.

" After reconnoitering, with all the officers of the command,
the location of the village, which was in a heavy strip of
timber, I divided the command into four columns, of nearly
equal strength. The first, consisting of three companies, under
Major Elliot, was to attack in the timber, from below the vil-
lage ; the second column, under Brevet Lieutenant-colonel
Myers, was to move down the Washita, and attack in the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 221

timber, from above ; Brevet Lieutenant-colonel Thompson, in
command of the third column, was to attack from the crest,,
north of the village; while the fourth column was to charge-
the village from the crest overlooking it from the west bank
of the "Washita.

" The hour at which the four columns were to charge si-
multaneously, was the first dawn of day, and notwithstanding
the fact that two columns were compelled to march several
miles to reach their positions, three of them made the attack
so near together as to appear like one charge ; the other
column was only a few minutes late. There never was a
more complete surprise. My men charged the village, and
reached the lodges before the Indians were aware of their
presence. The moment the charge was ordered, the band
struck up ' Garry Owen,' and, with cheers that strongly re-
minded me of scenes during the war, every trooper, led by his
officer, rushed toward the village. The Indians were caught
napping for once. The warriors rushed from their lodges, and
posted themselves behind the trees and in the deep ravines,
from which they began a most determined defense.

" The lodges, and all their contents, were in our possession
within ten minutes after the charge was ordered ; but the real
fighting — such as has rarely been equaled in Indian warfare

^began when attempting to clear out or kill the warriors

posted in ravines or underbrush. Charge after charge was
made, and most gallantly too, but the Indians had resolved to
sell their lives as dearly as possible. After a desperate con-
flict of several hours, our efibrts were crowned by a complete
and most gratifying success. The entire village, numbering
forty-seven lodges of Black Kettle's band of Cheyennes, two
lodges of Arapahoes, and two lodges of Sioux— fifty-one
lodges in all — under the command of the principal chief.
Black Kettle, fell into our hands. By actual and careful ex-
amination, after the battle, the following figures give some of
the fruits of our victory : The Indians left on the ground and
in our possession the bodies of 103 of their warriors, includ-
ing Black Kettle himself, whose scalp is now in the possession
of our Osage guides ; we captured, in good condition, 875
horses, ponies, and mules ; 241 saddles, some of very fine and

222 OUB INDIAN WARDS.

costly workmanship ; 573 buffalo robes ; 390 buffalo skius, for
lodges ; 160 untanned robes ; 210 axes ; 110 hatchets ; 35 re-
volvers; 47 rifles; 535 pounds of powder; 1,050 poundsof lead;
4,000 arrows and arrow-heads ; 75 spears ; 90 bullet molds ;
35 bows and quivers; 12 shields; 300 pounds of bullets; 775
lariats; 940 buckskin saddle-bags; 470 blankets; 93 coats;
700 pounds of tobacco. In addition, we captured all their
■winter supply of buffalo meat, all their meal, flour, and other
provisions, and in fact every thing they possessed, even driv-
ing their warriors from the village with little or no clothing.
"We destroyed every thing of value to the Indians, and have
now in our possession, as prisoners of war, fifty-three squaws
and their children. Among the prisoners are the survivors
of Black Kettle and the family of Little Rock. We also
secured two white children, held captive by the Indians. One
white woman, who was in their possession, was murdered by
her captors the moment we attacked them. A white boy,
held captive, about ten years old, when about to be rescued,
was brutally murdered by a squaw, who ripped out his en-
trails.

" The Kiowas, under Satanta, and the Arapahoes, under Lit-
tle Raven, were encamped six miles below Black Kettle's vil-
lage ; the wai'riors from these two villages came to attempt the
rescue of the Cheyennes. They attacked my command from all
sides, about noon, hoping to recover the squaws and herd of
the Cheyennes. In their attack thyy displayed great bold-
ness, and compelled me to use all my force to repel them;
but the counter charges of the cavalry were more than they
could stand. By three o'clock we drove them in all direc-
tions, pursuing them several miles. I then moved my en-
tire command in search of the villages of the Kiowas and
Arapahoes ; but, after a march of eight miles, discovered that
they had taken the alarm at the fate of the Cheyenne village
and had fled.

" I was then three days' march from where I had left my
train of supplies, and knew that wagons could not follow me,
as the trail had led me over a section of country, so cut up
by ravines and other obstructions, that cavalry could with
difficulty move over it. The supplies carried from the train,

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 223

on the persons of the men, were exhausted; my men, from
loss of sleep and hard service, were wearied out ; my horses
in the same condition for want of forage. I therefore began
my return march about eight p. m., and found my train of
supplies at this point (it having only accomplished sixteen
miles since I left it). In the excitement of the fight, as well
as in self-defense, it so happened that some of the squaws
and a few of the children were killed and wounded. The
latter I have brought with us, and they receive all the medical
attendance the circumstances of the case will permit. Many
of the squaws were taken with arms in their hands ; and sev-
eral of my command are known to have been wounded by
them. The desperate character of the combat may be in-
ferred from the fact that, after the battle, the bodies of thirty-
eight dead warriors were found in a small ravine, near the
village, in which they had posted themselves.

" I now have to report the loss suffered by my command.
I regret to mention, among the killed. Major Joel H. Elliot
and Captain Louis M. Hamilton, and nineteen enlisted men ;
the wounded includes three officers and eleven enlisted men —
in all, thirty-five. Of the officers, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel
Albert Barnitz, captain Seventh Cavalry, is seriously, if not
mortally wounded; Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel T. "W". Custer,
and Second Lieutenant T. J. Marsh, Seventh Cavalry, are
slightly wounded. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel F. W". Banteen
had his horse shot under him by a son of Black Kettle, whom
he afterward killed. Colonel Barnitz, before receiving his
wound, killed two warriors. I can not sufficiently commend
the admirable conduct of the officers and men.

" This command has marched five days amidst terrible snow
storms, and over a rough country covered by more than
twelve inches of snow. Officers and men have slept in the
snow without tents. The night preceding the march, officers
and men stood at their horses' heads four hours, awaiting the
moment of attack ; this, too, when the temperature was far
below the freezing point. They have endured every priva-
tion, and fought with unsurpassed gallantry, against a power-
ful and well-armed foe ; and from first to last I have not heard a
single murmur ; but, on the contrary, the officers and men of

224 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

the several squadrons and companies seemed to vie with each
other in their attention to duty, and their patience and perse-
verance under difficulties. Every officer, man, scout, and In-
dian guide did their full duty. I only regret the loss of the
gallant spirits who fell in the ' Battle of the Washita.' Those
whose loss we are called upon to deplore are our bravest and
best."

The camp on the "Washita river, where General Custer wrote
out the foregoing report, was not less than sixty miles distant
from General Shei-idan's headquarters, at the junction of
Beaver creek and North Canadian river. The communication
was made between these points with so much celerity that
General Sheridan was enabled to make his report of the
"Battle of the Washita" on the 29th of November— Cus-
ter's report, on which his was based, being made on the
28th. There was no rail or telegraph communication ; and^
in view of the fact that the country was broken, the ground
covered with twelve inches of snow, and General Custer's
horses and men well worn out, the dispatch was extraordinary.
After preparing and forwarding his report. General Custer
moved, with his command, prisoners, Osage trailers, scouts,
and camp followers, to join his chief at his depot, at the junc-
tion of Beaver creek and the North Canadian river. On the
evening of the 30th of November, a courier arrived at Gen-
eral Sheridan's headquarters, announcing to him that General
Custer would camp that night only ten miles distant, and
come in on the 1st of December. A correspondent of the
New York Herald, who was with General Sheridan, wrote :

" Shortly after the sun had passed its meridian (December
1), a cluster of dark and almost undefinable objects appeared
on the crest of the hill, about a mile distant, and simultane-
ously accompanied by shouts and the firing of musketry, an-
nounced the approach of the column. On the summit of the
hill the head of the column halted for a few moments. Mean-
while General Sheridan took position in the valley, to await
the arrival of the column, which was to pass the commanding
general in review. All the officers and soldiers not on duty
assembled in the vicinity of the post to witness the warlike
pageant. The column was now within a short distance of the

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 225

commanding general ; the Indians shouted, the band reiter-
ated the stirring tones of ' Garry Owen,' and the troopers
cheered. In response, rounds of huzzas of the troops of the
fort shouted welcome and congratulation. In the advance
was the Osage Indian trailers. Before leaving camp they had
arrayed and decorated themselves in a manner becoming the
importance of the occasion. Their faces were painted in the
most fantastic and hideous designs. About their persons
were dangling the trophies which they had captured in the
battle. Spears, upon which were fastened the scalps of their
fallen foes, were slung upon their shoulders; from their own
painted scalp-locks were suspended long trails of silver orna-
ments and feathers ; over their shoulders hung shields and
bows, and quivers full of arrows, while in one hand they
held the trusty rifle, and in the other grasped the reins.

"Even the animals which the Osages bestrode were deco-
rated with scalps and strips of red and blue blanket. At the-
head of the band rode Little Raven, the chief, with a counte-
nance as fixed as stone, yet in his bearing showing indications
of an inward self-glorification, which was apparently kept
stirring and swelling higher and higher, by the gesticula-
tions and wild notes of the war songs shouted b}' his war-
riors, intermingled with whoops and discharge of rifles. In
a moment of enthusiasm the chief shouted, ' They call us
Americans; we are Osages,' to which sentiment went up a
responsive approval. Conspicuous in this party was th&
young Osage warrior, Koom-la-Manche (Trotter). It was he-
who, under the impulse of the highest ambition of Indian
valor, that singled out the great chief, Black Kettle, the ter-
ror of all the Osages, as his victim. After a severe conflictr
he reached the crowning point of his efforts, and bore away
the ghastly scalp of the terrible chief, as the trophy attaching
to his success. With a mark of special attention, this scalp
was carefully and fantastically decorated, and hung promi-
nently among the most sacred possessions of the young war-
rior.

" Following the Indians were the scouts led by California.
Joe, a veteran pioneer of forty years. Joe is a hirsute-look-
15

226 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

iug specimen of humtinity, exhibiting an altitude of six feet ;
a mat of red whiskei's hiding two-thirds of his face, and a
long, knotty head of hair, well powdered in a series of coats
of dust, intermingled with stray blades of grass, leaves, and
st'cks, as the vestiges of his previous night's slumbers on the
bosom of mother earth. Joe was a suitable figure-head for
this motley band of curiously clad, adventurous, and rugged
men. JSText came General Custer, riding alone, mounted on
a magnificent black stallion, and dressed in a short blue sack
•coat, trimmed with the color of his arm of the service, and
reinforced with fur collar and cuff's ; on his head he wore an
otter cap. When General Custer came within fifty yards of
the commanding general, he left his position in the column
and dashed up to his chief, when a warm and hearty ex-
change of salutations was made between the commander and
his distinguished lieutenant. Next followed the living evi-
•dences of the victory — over fifty squaws and their children,
surrounded by a suitable guard to prevent their escape.
These were mounted on their own ponies, seating themselves
astride the animals; their persons wrapped in skins and
, blankets, and their heads and faces being covered, leaving
nothing visible but their eyes. The mothers had their oft-
spriug mounted behind them, the papoose being visible only
by its diminutive head, peering up over the back of the head
of its mother. Without a sigh, without a glance to the right
or to the left, these remnants of the band of the once power-
ful Black Kettle, followed with all the submission of captives.
Eollowing these came the keen-sighted sharpshooters, com-
manded by Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel W. W. Cook, and fol-
lowing these the bravest men in the different companies of
the regiment, in columns by platoons, under their proper
officers. On a separate line of march from the summit came
the wagon train, moving over the hills. In the lead were the
ambulances conveying the dead and wounded. The regiment
moved up the Beaver about half a mile from the fort, and
there went into camp. That night the Osage allies gave a
scalp dance, which was kept up to a late hour. . . The
scene was one of savage effect. The burning logs in the cen-
ter, the Indians painted and attired in war costumes, with

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 227

spears, bows, shields, and all the trophies taken by them
about their persons, performed their mysterious contortions
of the body and whooped wildly, as if about to engage their
foe. Many of our officers and soldiers, among the former
Generals Sheridan and Custer, witnessed this scene, and re-
mained until a late hour."

On the 3d of December, the officers of the Seventh Cavalry
met to testify by resolutions their sorrow for the untimely
death of Major Joel H. Elliot, who was killed in the battle
of the Washita, and the respect and estimation in which the
deceased was held by his companions in arms. Among other
resolutions adopted was one declaring that the gallant bear-
ing of Major Elliot, in the battle of the Washita, "which
brought him suddenly to the end of his earthly career, is de-
serving of the highest praise ; that he fell in the attitude of
defiant daring, heroically rallying his men, and by example
inciting them to deeds of valor worthy of the greatest enco-
miums that can be bestowed." In point of fact, at that time
his colleagues did not know the circumstances under which
he fell, or the precise locality where his body, and the bodies
of the enlisted men who fell with him, then were. On the
4th of December, 1868, the remains of Captain Louis M.
Hamilton, who was killed at the battle of the "Washita, were
interred with military honors.

Having given the men and animals one week's rest at Camp
Supply, on the !N"orth Canadian river, General Custer, on the
7th of December, 1868, moved his command, composed of
eleven companies of the Seventh Cavalry, ten companies of
the Nineteenth Kansas Volunteers, and a detachment of scouts,
and some twenty or thirty whites, Osage and Kaw Indians,
as guides and trailers — the objective point being Port Cobb.
General Sheridan accompanied the expedition. On the 10th
of the month the command reached the Washita, about six
miles belowthe battle-ground of November 27. Here it halted
one day to graze the animals, and afford an opportunity to
visit the battle-field and learn, " if possible, the exact fate of
Major Elliot and his party of seventeen men, who, on the
opening of the attack on Black Kettle's village, had pursued
a party of fleeing Indians beyond the lines, and had never re-

228 OUR II^DIAN WAEDS.

turned." In a report of the movements of this expedition,
dated at Fort Cobb, December 22, 1868, General Custer said :

" So confident was I of their fate (Major Elliot and party)
that in my official report of the battle I numbered them in
my list of killed. With one hundred men of the Seventh
Cavalry, under command of Captain Yates, I proceeded to
the battle-field early on the morning of the 11th. The Indians
had evidently paid a hurried visit to the scene of the late
confiict. The bodies of nearly all the warriors killed in the
fight had been concealed or removed; while those of the
squaws and children, who had been slain in the excitement
and confusion of the charge, as well as in self-defense, were
wrapped in blankets and bound with lariats, preparatory to
removal and burial. Many of the Indian dogs were still found
in the vicinity lately occupied by the lodges of their owners;
they probably subsisting on the bodies of the ponies that had
been killed, and then covered several acres of ground nearby.
As ten days had elapsed since the battle, and scores of Indian
bodies still remained unburied or unconcealed, some idea may
be had of the precipitate haste with which the Indians had
abandoned that section of country.

"A thorough examination of the immediate battle-ground
failed to discover anj' thing worthy of special report, except
that Indian bodies were found which had not been previously
reported in my first dispatch, and which w^ent to prove what
we are well aware of now, that the enemy's loss in killed
warriors far exceeds the number (one hundred and three) first
reported by me. In setting out on our return to camp, Cap-
tain Yates was directed to deploy his men in search of the
bodies of Major Elliot and his party. After marching about
two miles in the direction in which Major Elliot and his little
party were last seen, we suddenly came upon the stark, stiff,
naked, and horribly mutilated bodies of our dead comrades!
No words were needed to tell how desperate the struggle
which ensued before they were finally overpowered. . . .
The bodies of Elliot and his little band, with but a single ex-
ception, were all found lying within a circle not exceeding
twenty yards in diameter. We found them exactly as they
fell, except that their barbarous foes had stripped and muti-

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 229

lated the bodies in the most savage manner. All the bodies
were carried to camp, and there (reached after dark, it being
the intention to resume the march before daylight the follow-
ing day) a grave vras hastily prepared on a little knoll, near
our camp, and with the exception of that of Major Elliot,
whose remains we carried with us for interment at Fort Ar-
buckle, the bodies of the entire ps^rty, under the dim light of
a few torches held in the hands of sorrowing comrades, were
consigned to one common resting-place. No funeral note
sounded to measure their passage to the grave ; no volley was
fired to tell us a comrade was receiving the last sad rites of
burial ; yet not one of the living but felt that the fresh earth
had closed over some of their truest and most daring soldiers."
The report of General Custer, of December 22d, is quite
elaborate. It is not deemed necessary to produce all of it in
detail. The next morning the command started on the trail
of the Indian villages, nearly all of whom, it is stated, had
moved down the Washita toward Fort Cobb. The forest
along the banks of the "Washita, from the battle-ground to a
distance of twelve miles, was found to have been one continu-
ous Indian village. Black Kettle's band being above, then
came other tribes, camped in the following order: Arapahoes,
under Little Eaven ; Eiowas, under Satanta and Lone Wolf,
and the remaining bands of Cheyennes, Comanches, and
Apaches. ]!fothing could exceed the disorder and haste in
which these tribes had fled from their camping-grounds.
They had abandoned thousands of lodge-poles, some of which
were still standing as when last used ; immense numbers of
camp-kettles, cooking-utensils, cofiee-mills, axes, and several
hundred buffalo robes were found in the abandoned camps
adjacent to that of Black Kettle's village, but which had not
been visited before by our troops. By actual examination and
estimate, "it was computed," says Custer, "that over six hun-
dred lodges had been standing along the Washita during the
battle, and within five miles of the battle-ground; and it was
from these villages, and others still lower down the sti-eam,
that the immense number of warriors came, who, after my
rout and destruction of Black Kettle and his band, surrounded
my command, and fought until defeated by the Seventh Cav-

230 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

airy, about 3 p. M., on the 27th ultimo. It is safe to say that
the warriors from these tribes that attempted the relief of Black
Kettle and his band, outnumbered my force at least three to
one. ... On returning from the battle-ground to the
camp of my command, and when in the deserted camp, which,
according to the statement of some of my Cheyenne prisoners,
who wei'e brought along with me, was lately occupied by Sa-
tanta with the Kiowas, my men discovered the bodies of a
young white woman and child, the former apparently about
twpty years of age, and the latter probably about eighteen
months old. They were evidently mother and child, and
had not long been in captivity, as the woman still retained
several articles of her wardrobe about her person; among
others a pair of cloth gaiters but little worn; every thing in-
dicated that she had been but recently captured, and upon
our attacking and routing Black Kettle's camp, her captors,
fearing she might be recaptured by us, and her testimony used
against them, had deliberately murdered her and her child in
cold blood."

The command followed the trail of the Kiowas and other
hostiles, for seven days, down the valley of the Washita, over
an almost impassable country, " where it was necessary to keep
two or three hundred men almost constantly at work, with
picks, axes, and spades," before being able to advance with
the train. On the 17th, the scouts reported a party of In-
dians in front with a flag of truce. They bore a letter from
General Hazen, at Fort Cobb, of the date of the 16th De-
cember. This letter notified the commander of the troops in
the field that the writer, General Hazen, had heard that they
had reached a point some twenty miles above Cobb, and that
all the camps between that point and Cobb were friendly,
and had not been on the war-path that season. It advised
the commander to communicate with Satanta or Black Eagle,
near where he was, and they would readily inform him of "the
position of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and also where
General Hazen's camp was. General Custer took a small
party and proceeded beyond his lines, and met some twenty
of the principal chiefs of the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches,
who proposed to accompany him to Fort Cobb, the Kiowas

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 231

assuring him that their village was already near that point,
and moving to the post. lifot believing in these professions,
and learning from his scouts that their entire village was
hastening away to the Washita Mountains, General Custer
says that, nevertheless, on reaching his camp, he gave rations
to the entire party of chiefs and warriors who accompanied
him, intending to do no act that might be construed as un-
friendly. He states that they all promised to proceed with
h"!in to Fort Cobb the following day, except two or three, who
were to rejoiu the village and conduct it to the fort ; but, on
resuming the march the next morning, it was found that but
three Kiowas and two Apaches remained. These, during the
march, expressed a desire to go to their village and change
their horses, as well as to give directions about the movement
of the village to Fort Cobb. He permitted the Kiowa chief
lowest in rank to set out for the village to hasten its march
to Fort Cobb, and then placed Loue Wolf and Satanta, the
head chiefs of the Kiowas and Apaches, under guard, deter-
mined to hold them as hostages for the faithful performance
of their people. He said the communication from General
Hazen, stating that all the camps referred to were friendly,
and had not been on the war-path this season, occasioned no
little surprise on the part of those (General Sheridan and him-
self) who knew the hostile character of the Indians referred
to. They knew that these Indians had participated in the
battle of the Washita; and they had followed the trail of
these tribes from the dead bodies of their comrades slain by
them. Moreover, if they needed cumulative testimony. Gen-
eral Custer said they had it, in the statement of Black Eagle,
given voluntarily, not to the military, but to the officei-s of the
Indian department, and conveyed by Philip McCusky, their
interpreter, to Thomas Murphey, superintetident of Indian
affairs. There was other testimony, drawn from conversation
with Lone Wolf, Satanta, Black Eagle, and others ; and all
confirmed by a sister of Black Kettle. General Custer said
he had not intimated that he had this testimony to the chiefs
he held as hostages, and did not intend to at that time.
After reaching Fort Cobb, on December 18th, General Custer
said it became evident that the chiefs were attempting their

232 OUK INDIAN WARDS.

usual game of duplicity, and that their villages were going
from and not coming to Fort Cobb. They were all placed
under a strong guard, but this did not produce the desired
efl'ect. Then it was that General Custer announced to Lone
Wolf and Satanta the decision wliich had been arrived at
regarding them. He gave them until sunrise the following
morning to cause their people to come in, or to give satisfac-
tory evidence that they were hastening to come in. If no
such evidence appeared, both of these chiefs were to be hung,
at sunrise, to the nearest tree. At the same time, they were
offered every facility to send runners and communicate their
desires to their tribes. This, he said, produced the desired
effect. By sunrise several of the leading Kiowas came to his
camp and reported the entire village on the move, hastening
to place themselves under control. General Custer closed
thus :

"At this date I have the satisfaction to report that all the
Apa»hes, nearly all the Comanches, aud the principal chiefs
and bands of the Kiowas, have come in and placed themselves
under our control ; not to make a treaty and propose terms of
settlement, but begging us to pronounce the terms upon which
they can be allowed to resume peaceful relations with the
government. Of the five tribes which were hostile at the
opening of this campaign, three are already in our power.
The remaining two, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, were the
principal sufferers at the battle of the "Washita, and are no
doubt the most anxious of all to abandon the war-path. They
are sui)po8ed to be concealed in the mountains, forty or fifty
miles from this point, awaiting the result of the present ne-
gotiations with the three tribes now assembled here. . . .
As in the case of the tribes now here, no promise or induce-
ment has been held out. I have made no pretense to be
friendly disposed. Whatever I have asked the tribes to do,
or accede to, has been in the form of a demand. They have
from the commencement of this campaign been treated, not
as independent nations, but as refractory subjects of a com-
mon government. I have every reason to believe that in a few
days, or weeks at farthest, the two remaining hostile tribes,
Cheyennes and Arapahoes, smarting under their heavy losses

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 233

in the battle of the Washita, will unconditionally come in and
place themselves under the control of this command, willing
to accede to any terms that may be proposed to them. The
tribes now here have discarded the arrogant ideas, in the in-
dulgence of which the numerous treaties recently entered
into have encouraged them. They now seem to realize that
the government, and not a few thieving, treacherous chiefs of
predatory bands of savages, backed up and encouraged by
unprincipled and designing Indian agents, is the source of all
authority. . . . The above, I believe, contains a brief state-
ment of the operations of this command, and the results
thereof, up to this date. Every thing indicates a speedy, sat-
isfactory, and permanent solution of the Indian difficulties, so
far as the tribes referred to are concerned. ... In rela-
tion to the battle of the "Washita, I find, by taking the admission
of the Indians now here, and who participated in the battle,
that the enemy's loss far exceeded that reported by me in my
first dispatch concerning the fight. I reported one hundred
and three warriors left dead in our possession. The Indians
admit a loss of one hundred and forty killed. This, with the
prisoners we have in our possession, makes the entire loss of
the Indians, in killed, wounded, and missing, not far from
three hundred."

Gen. Sheridan had, as stated, accompanied Gen. Ouster
from the North Canadian, iJW the battle-ground, to Fort Cobb.
On the 19th of December, from Fort Cobb, in advance of the
report of the operations of the expedition from Gen. Ouster
to him. Gen. Sheridan made report to Gen. Sherman. For
the information of that officer. Gen. Sheridan advised him
that he arrived at Fort Cobb on the 18th of the month, with
the command of Gen. Custer, composed of the Seventh Cav-
alry, and ten companies of the Nineteenth Kansas, and the
Osage and Kaw scouts, numbering in all about fifteen hun-
dred. He stated that the command struck the Washita about
eight miles south of Custer's battle-ground, distant from Fori;
Cobb about one hundred and thirteen miles. Here was a rest
of one day, during which search was made for the body of
Maj. Elliot, which was found — also the bodies of sixteen sol-
diers killed in the battle. The theory of Gen. Sheridan was

234 OUE INDIAN "WAEDS.

that Maj. Elliot and his troops followed in pursuit of some
fleeing Indians, and the warriors coming up from the camps
below met and surrounded them, and killed and niutilated
them in a horrible manner. They also found the body of
Mrs. Blinn and her child. The Indians enumerated were en-
camped from " a point about three miles below the battle-
ground, for a distance of six or eight miles. They abandoned
their camps, and fled in the greatest consternation, leaving
their cobking utensils, mats, axes, lodge-poles, and provisions."
This property was burnt. The trail was then taken and fol-
lowed down the "Washita, about seventy-six miles, and thirty-
six from Fort Cobb. This was near the camp of the Kiowas,
who were unconscious of the presence of the command, but
discovered it late in the evening, and hastened to Fort Cobb,
and next morning presented a letter from Gen. Hazeu de-
claring them friendly.

" I hesitated to attack them (said Gen. Sheridan), but di-
rected them to proceed with their families to Fort Cobb.
This they assented to, and nearly all the warriors came over
and accompanied the column, for the purpose of deceiving me,
while their families were being hurried toward the Washita
mountains ; but suspecting that they were attempting to de-
ceive me, as they commenced slipping away one by one, I ar-
rested the head chiefs. Lone Wolf and Satanta, and on my ar-
rival at Fort Cobb, as I suspected, there was not a Kiowa; so
I notified Lone Wolf and Satanta that I would hang them to-
morrow if their friends were not brought in to-day, and I will
do so. They have been engaged in war all the time, and have
been playing fast and loose. There are over fifty lodges with
the Cheyennes now. They have attempted to browbeat Gen.
Hazen since he came here, and went out and ordered the two
companies from Arbuckle for protection ,to Gen. Hazen to re-
turn. I will take some of the starch out of them before I get
through with them. The Cheyennes, Arapahoes, one band
of Comanches, and the fifty lodges of the Kiowas, are at the
western base of the Washita mountains.

" The following is what I have proposed to do, and I have
submitted it to General Hazen, who approves. I will first
punish the Kiowas if they come ; if not, I will hang Lone

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 235

Wolf and Satanta. I will send ont Black Kettle's sister to-
morrow, ordering the Cheyennes and Arapahoes to come in
and receive their punishment, which will be severe. She
says they will come in, as they are now willing to beg for
peace, and have done so already since General Custer's fight.
If they do not come, I will employ the Caddoes, the Wicbi-
tas, and Asahabet's band of Coraanches to go out against
them, or will declare them hostile. They have all been
working together as one man, camping together, and holding
intercourse and trading in captured stock, and they must as-
sist in driving them out of the country or compel their sur-
render. I will then leave a sufficient force with General Ila-
zen to keep him from being browbeaten. The Coraanches
are now under my thumb, and the Kiowas will be, I hope;
and I hope the Cheyennes and Arapahoes may soon be in the
same condition. In the trip down here the distance was one
hundred and eighty-seven miles; snow was on the ground
most of the way, and the cold, on the high table-lands and
the crossing of the rivers, was intense. The country traveled
over was terrible; the surface of the earth was defaced by
canons, hummocks, scooped-out basins, making constant
labor for the men. I lost some horses; but in this beauti-
ful valley, with splendid grass, will soon have the command
in good trim. I am a little sorry that I did not hit the
Kiowas; but I did not like to disregard General Hazen's
letter, and perhaps we can do as well by other modes. The
Indians, for the first time, begin to realize that winter will
not compel us to make a truce with them."

While these operations were- going on, Lieutenant- Colonel
Evans moved from Fort Bascom, up the main Canadian to
Monument creek, and there established a depot, from whence
he scouted to the head-waters of Eed river, and there dis-
covered a trail of Comanches, followed it up, and on December
25th, attacked the party, killing some twenty-five, wounding
a large number, captured and burnt their village, and de-
stroyed all their property. General Carr operated on the
Canadian, west of the Antelope Hills, and forced the Chey-
ennes and Arapahoes over into the eastern edge of the
Staked Plains, where there was no game ; and, being without

236 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

supplies, they were compelled to surrender, and promised to
go on their reservation. The Arapahoes were, it was stated,
faithful, and delivered themselves up ; the Cheyennes, it was
said, broke their promise and did not come in, and General
Custer was ordered to move against them, which he did, and
came upon them on the head-waters of Red river, apparently
moving north.

In the foregoing recital is contained all the material parts
of the reports of Generals Sheridan and Custer touching the
operations of the troops in the campaign against the " hostile
Indians south of the Arkansas." As early as the 19th of
September, 1868, Gen. Sherman had officially notified Gen.
Grant that he then considered " the Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes at war," and that it would be impossible "for the troops
to discriminate between the well disposed and warlike parts
of those bauds, unless an absolute separation be made." He
said : " I prefer that the agents collect all of the former, and
conduct them to their reservation within thi3 Indian Territory
south of Kansas, there to be provided for under their treaty,
say about old Fort Cobb." He objected to their being col-
lected and held near Fort Larned, and said : " So long as
agent Wynkoop remains at Fort Larned the vagabond part
of his Indians will remain and cluster about him for support,
and to beg of the military." He did not pretend to say
what should be done with these, biit said it would "simplify
our game of war, already complicated enough, by removing
them well away from the field of operations." He claimed,
further, that the young men of these tribes were committing
murders and robberies from Kansas to Colorado. From that
time forward Gen. Hazen, who was to operate at Fort Cobb
in the interests of peace, considered these Indians as beyond
his authority, " till they shall be turned over by Gen. Sheridan,
who is now dealing with them." On the 19th and 20th (if
September, Generals Sheridan and Hazen were at Fort Larned,
and held a conference with the chiefs of the Kiowas and
Comanches, whom they then regarded as friendly, and who,
with their families, were then on the Arkansas. The object
was to induce the Indians to go to their own reservation near
Fort Cobb, " and thus keep them out of the war." It was

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 237

arranged at this conference that the Indians should huni buf-
falo for ten days, giving these officers time to procure sufficient
rations for them to live upon while on their journey, when
they were to return to Larned and start for Fort Cobb. On
the day the Indians were to have returned to Larned, Fort
Zarah was attacked, and for a week after some party or train
was daily attacked by Indians, " making it so dangerous "
that no communication could be had with the Indian country.
" This (said Gen. Hazen) gave the impression to every one
that the Kiowas and Comanches had gone to war, yet there
was no evidence of the fact." There was no conference held
with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes at this time. Gen. Hazen
himself did not arrive at Fort Cobb until the 7th of Ifovem-
ber, 1868. He had previously detailed Col. Alvord, an effi-
cient officer, to repair to Fort Cobb, to learn from that point
the status of all the Indians. He found Col. Alvord " with
very full information of the Kiowas and Comanches, repre-
sentatives from both having been in and arranged with him for
all their people to come here (Cobb), and their arrival was
daily expected." Gen. Hazen came to the conclusion, and
said officially, that those Indians " haVe had no part in any
hostilities this season, but have steadily refused to join the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes in war, when invited to do so.
They give as a reason for breaking their agreement to come
in at Larned, that one John Smith, an interpreter at that
point, who has great influence with them, told them not to
do so, nor to come here, for the troops were laying traps for
them at both points, but to move south and west rapidly, to
keep out of the war. They are now encamped within reach
of this point, on the Canadian and Washita rivers, except a
war party of the Kiowas, under Satanta, that has gone to
Texas. I apprehend (continued Gen. Hazen) no trouble what-
ever in managing all these people this winter, except it be in
breaking off this old and pernicious habit of marauding in
Texas. They say that country was originally theirs ; that
Texas never negotiated for it, and that they have a right to
it still. Gen. Sheridan, still under the impression that these
people are at war, may possibly attack them before I can

238 OUR INDIAN ■WARDS.

collect them at this point ; but I have sent swift runners to
prevent this."

In a communication from Col. Alvord to Maj. Eay, com-
manding the district in the Indian Territory, dated October
30, he says : " The Indians have not understood the non-
arrival of Gen. Hazen, and the receipt by them of no supplies.
. . . I can not hope to deal favorably with hungry men, to
keep hungry hundreds around me, nor succeed in securing the
influence of important chiefs and delegations (whom I have
every reason to expect here next week), in bringing in their
people, unless they are entertained while here, and go back to
their camps provided for. I want a good supply of corn and
meal, and also flour, especially some cofi'ee, some sugar, and
some salt." This paragraph appears in the letter of Col. Al-
vord to Maj. Ray : " The Indians look with more or less sus-
picion upon all the soldiers in their country. They do n't
like the occupation of this place, nor the movements of
troops between the Arkansas and Canadian. The latter,
especially, tends to keep them on the plains. It is my belief
that the force here and the public property is safer now than
if more troops were sent here, and that the principle will hold
good that the more soldiers you send here the fewer will he
the Indians that remain; ... I think, too, that it is im-
portant to success to have Gen. Hazen here, personally, as
soon as practicable, both because the Indians want to know
he is here, and that arrangements can be perfected for regu-
lar and sufficient supplies."

As early as October 13, General Sheridan had concluded to
class the Kiowas and Comanches with the hostiles, and on
that day wrote a note from Fort Hays, to the head chief of
the Osages, stating that "the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas,
and Comanches have made war on the white people, and I
understand from your superintendent, Mr. Thomas Murphey,
that your people are desirous of taking part with the whites
in the war. If such are the feelings of your people, I will
accept of the services of, say, two hundred warriors, and will
furnish provisions after they join General Custer's command,
on or near Chalk Bluft" creek, about fifty miles south of Fort
Dodge, in the big bend of the Arkansas, and will give to them

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 239

all ponies and other Indian property they may capture." Al-
though General Hazen's " swift runners " and certificates did
induce General Sheridan not to hang Satanta, Lone "Wolf,
and other Kiowa chiefs, the latter did not abandon the idea
that they were " hostile."

On the 22d of November, General Hazen wrote to General
Sherman, inclosing to him the talk he had with Black Ket-
tle and Big Mouth, at Fort Cobb, on the 20th of the month.
He said the Cheyenne chief, Black Kettle, and Arapahoe chief,
Big Mouth, came there to ask for peace for their bands. " I
inclose their talk. Black Kettle represents a large portion of
the Gheyenues, known as the southern Cheyennes, or those
who were at Lamed when war commenced, and Big Mouth
speaks for all of the southern Arapahoes. He was accom-
panied by Spotted Wolf, and Black Kettle by Little Eobe.
They started in of their own accord, but met one of my scouts,
who told them to come on. To have made peace with thoni
would have brought to my camp most of those now on the
war-path south of the Arkansas ; and as General Sheridan is to
punish those at war and might follow them in afterward, a
second Chivington affair might occur, which I could not pre-
vent. I do not understand that I am to treat for peace, but
would like definite instructions in this and like cases. To
make peace with this people would probably close the war,
but perhaps not permanently. I would prefer that General
Sheridan should make peace with these parties. . . . As
soon as the annuities arrive I will have all the Kiowas and
Comanches here, except the large band of the latter on the
Pecos." This was the 22d of ]!^ovember, and yet General
Sherman's military peace agent. General Hazen, was without
the annuities for these Indians, and without any definite in-
structions from his superior, to whom had been confided, by
Congress, the duty of fulfilling the treaty stipulations of the
Medicine Lodge creek treaties.

General Hazen had a record made of the conversation be-
tween him and Black Kettle and Big Mouth, at Fort Cobb,
on the 20th of IS'ovember, 1868. Here it is, word for word,
and is the same he forwarded to General Sherman on the 22d
November :

240 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Black Kettle, Cheyenne chief: "I always feel well when I
am among these Indians — the Oaddoes, Wichitas, Waccoes,
Keechies, etc. — as I know they are all my friends; and I do-
not fear to go among the white men, because I feel them to
he my friends also. The Cheyennes, when south of the Ar-
kansas, did not wish to return to the north side becai;se they
feared trouble there, but were continually told that they had
better go there, as they would be rewarded for so doing. The
Cheyennes do not fight at all this side of the Arkansas; tliey
do not trouble Texas ; but north of the Arkansas they are
almost always at war. When lately north of the Arkansas,
pome young Cheyennes were fired upon and then the fight be-
gan. I have always done my best to keep my young men
quiet, but some will not listen, and since the fighting began I
have not been able to keep them all at home. But we all
want, peace, and I would be glad to move all my people down
this way ; I could then keep them all quietly near camp. My
camp is now on the Washita, forty miles east of the Antelope
hills, and I have there about one hundred and eighty lodges.
I speak only for my own people; I can not speak for nor con-
trol the Cheyennes north of the Arkansas."

Big Mouth, Arapahoe chief: " I come down here a long dis-
tance, to this country in which I was born ; to these prairies
between the Wichita mountains and the mountains on the
Arkansas, over which I roamed when a boy, to see all these-
Indians, my friends, and the white men, who are my brothers,,
and to have a talk. I look upon you (General Hazen) as the
representative of the Great Father at Washington, and I
came to you because I wished to do right ; had I wished to do
any wrong I never would have come near you. I never
would have gone north of the Arkansas again, but my father
there (the agent) sent for me time after time, saying it was
the place for my people, and finally I went. No sooner had
we got there than there was trouble. I do not want war, and
my people do not; but although we have come back south of
the Arkansas, tne soldiers follow us and continue fighting,
and we want you to send out and stop these soldiers from
coming against us. I want you to send a letter to the Great
Father at Washington at once, to tell him to have this fighting:

OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 241

stopped ; that we want no more of it. Although a chief, a
kinsman of mine, has been killed, with others, we will for-
get it, for we wish for peace."

General Haztn : " The Great Father at "Washington sent
for me when I was away out in New Mexico, because I had
been much with the Indians and like them, to come here and
take care of all the Cheyenoes, Arapahoes, Apaches, Coman-
ches, and Kiowas ; to look after them and their agents and
their traders ; to get them on to the reservation agreed upon a
year ago at Medicine Lodge, and see that they were treated
aright. Before I could come from K"ew Mexico, the Arapa-
hoes and Cheyennes had gone to war, so that I could not see
them; but I saw the Kiowas, Apaches, and Tapparies Co-
manches at Eort Lamed, and I have come here, as I promised
them. I am sent here as a peace chief; all here is to be
peace; but north of the Arkansas is General Sheridan, the
great war chief, and I do not control him ; and he has all the-
soldiers that are fighting the Arapahoes and Cheyennes.
Therefore, you must go back to your country ; and, if the-
soldiers come to fight, you must remember that they are not
from me, but from that great war chief, and with him you
must make peace. I am glad to see you, and glad to hear-
that you want peace and not war. I can not stop the war, but
will send your talk to the Great Father, and, if he sends me-
orders to treat you like the friendly Indians, I will send out
to you to come in. But you must not come in again unless I
send for you; and you must keep well out beyond the-
friendly Kiowas and Comanches. I am satisfied that- you
want peace ; that it has not been you, but your bad men, that
have made the war, and I will do all I can for you to bring
peace; then I will go with you and your agent on to your
reservation, and care for you there. I hope you understand
how and why it is that I can not make peace with you."

After these Indians had left Fort Cobb, and were well on
their way home. General Hazen, on the 26th of November,
wrote Major Ray, in command of the Indian Territory dis-
trict, that "the Kiowas and Apaches had been, in, and taken,
ten days' rations, and to-day have gone back to their camps„
16

242 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Bome thirty miles up the Washita ; some of them, particularly
Satan ta, grumbling because they could not have every thing at
the post. The Cheyennes and Arapahoes, on their vray out,
talked badly of fight at the various camps they passed.
There is the smallest possibility of their doing any thing of
the kind; but, to meet this small possibility, I would be
glad if you would move Captain Walsh, with two companies
of Tenth Cavalry, up to this neighborhood, remaining a week
or two, during which time General Sheridan's movement
from above will probably develop, when Captain Walsh can
return." Black Kettle, on the same evening of the date of
this fire in the rear, entered his village and his lodge, to meet
his death, which occurred the next morning. That Black
Kettle did not talk: war, as he went home from Fort Cobb, at
the various camps he passed, is proved beyond the possibility
of doubt; for General llazen, in a note to General Sherman,
of the date of December 7th, said: "I think I have succeeded
in gaining, to a great degree, the confidence of all the In-
dians down here ; and they have been given to understand,
from the first, that this is to be a point where every thing shall
be at peace, and where the hostile ones even can come and
find yieace and friends when the war shall cease: They
have sent me word, from the hostile camps, to fear nothing
from them; that they understand my mission here; were
pleased with the talk I sent them by Black Kettle, although he
was killed the night after his return, and that they will neither
molest my animals nor the peaceful people gathered here."
Moi'e satisfactory evidence of the peaceful disiio>ition of
Black Kettle, on his journey home, could not be desired than
the testimony sent from the " hostile camps." The subject
will be concluded in the next chapter.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 243

CHAPTER XIII.

■Correspondence and official reports of Gen. Sheridan and Gen. Hazen,

TOUCHING THE STATUS OF THE ChETENNES AND ArAPAHOES. — An EXAMINA-
TION OF THE CONTENTS OF THESE. — ThB OPERATIONS OF Gen. HaBNEY AND

Gen. Hazen, acting as Indian agents ukdee the supervision - of Gek.
Sherman.

The command of Gen. Custer, accompanied by Gen. Sheri-
■dan, arrived, as stated, at Fort Cobb on the 18th of December.
By that time the comments of the press touching the " Bat-
tle of the Washita," bad reacbed there, and all were not com-
plimentary. Indeed, some held that it was not a battle, but
the assassination of a friendly band of Indians. The pres-
ence of Gen. Sberidan had a remarkable influence on the
-opinion and judgment of Geii. Hazen, the peace chief of Gen.
Sherman. That very evening, December 18, he wrote an
open letter to Gen. Garfield, in reference to the "Battle of
the Washita," in which he said: "I see a great deal said about
the killing of Black Kettle ; that he was on his way to his
reservation, where he had been invited by the government.
These are all fabrications. Some days before be was killed
he came to iny camp. . . . He made a fair and, no donbt,
truthful talk.- He said he deplored the war, and wanted
peace. That many of his people were on the war path above
the Arkansas, and that his band had been at war all sum-
mer. They wanted the war confined to Kansas, but we had
brought it below the Arkansas, and he wanted it stopped."

The speeches made by Black Kettle and Big Mouth, as re-
corded by order of Gen. Hazen, and by him certified, are
given word for word in the preceding chapter. There is
nothing in either to justify his statement to Gen. Garfield
As a rule, army officers do not hesitate to misrepresent the
Indians whenever that course is deemed necessary, and Geu.
Hazen does not appear to be an exception to the rule.

Gen. Sheridan also felt called upon to speak, and, on Jan-
uary 1, 1869, wrote Gen. Sherman. In the letter be said : " I

244 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

see it alleged by Indian agents, that Black Kettle's band was-
on their reservation at the time attacked. This is but thirty
miles up the "Washita from Fort Cobb. The battle took place-
one hundred and twenty miles up the river from Fort Cobb.
It is also alleged the band was friendly. No one could make
such an assertion with any regard for truth. The young men of
this band commenced the war. I can give their names. Some
of Black Kettle's young men were out depredating at Dodge
when the village was wiped out." Even this bold and posi-
tive statement was not satisfactory to every person, and the
affair on the "Washita continued to be made the subject of
comment by the press. Hence Gen. Sheridan deemed it nec-
essary, in his annual report of the date of November 1, 1869,.
to make a specialty of "the military operations in the depart-
ment of the Missouri, from October 15,1868, to March 27,
1869." He justified the campaign against " the hostile In-
dians south of the Arkansas ; " insisted that it was a neces-
sity, owing to the system of robbery and murder practiced by
these Indians for many years, and that the blow struck by
Custer on the "Washita, fell on the guiltiest of the bands —
that of Black Kettle. He said : " It was this band that, with-
out provocation, had massacred the settlers on the Saline and
Solomon, and perpetrated cruelties too fiendish for recital.
Black Kettle, its nominal chief — a worn out and worthless
old cipher — was said to be friendly ; but when I sent him
word to come into Dodge, before any of the troops had com-
menced operations, saying that I would feed and protect him
and family, he refused, and was killed in the fight. He was
also with the band on "Walnut creek when they made their
medicine, or held their devilish incantations previous to the
party setting out to massacre the settlers." To verify this
statement. Gen. Sheridan embodies in his report the affidavit
of Edmund Guerriere, a half breed who lived with Little
Rock's band. This affidavit was taken at "military headquar-
ters of the department of the Mis80uri,.on "Wichita mountains,
on the 4th of February, 1869, in the presence of the general,
and attested by one of his staff. This affidavit does not, how-
ever, connect Black Kettle with any devilish incantations, nor
does it allege that he was in any way involved in the mapsa-

OUR INDIAN WARDS, 245

<cres, real or imaginary, on the Solomon or Saline. It states
that .Red N"o8e, of the Dog Soldiers, and Hach-a-mo-a-he, of
Black Kettle's band, were the leaders in the massacre, and
that as soon as the news came that fighting had commenced,
" we moved from our camp on Buckner's fork of the Pawnee,
near its head-waters, down to the North fork, where we met
Big Jake's band, and moved south across the Arkansas river."
This was after the middle of August, 1868.

This affidavit of Guerriere was made February 4, 1869,
■whereas the village of Black Kettle was destroyed more than
two months previous, and hence, even if true, the facts stated
in it were not known to Gen Sheridan when the attack on the
village was made.

Gen. Sheridan, in pursuit of his eifort to fix hostility and
guilt on Black Kettle, said in his report of Ifovember, 1869,
that on their way down the "Washita, in December, 1868, they
" found in Black Kettle's village, photographs and daguerreo-
types, clothing and bedding, from the houses of the persons
massacred on the Solomon and the Saline. The mail which
I had sent by the expressmen, JSTat. Marshal and Bill Davis,
from Blufi" creek to Fort Dodge, who were murdered and mu-
tilated, was likewise found ; also a large blank book with In-
dian illustrations of the different fights which Black Kettle's
band had been engaged in, especially about Fort "Wallace and
■on the line of the Denver stages, showing when the fight had
been with the colored troops, when with white, also when
trains had been captured, and women killed in wagons. Still
.a hue and cry was raised through the influence of the Indian
ring, in which some good and pious ecclesiastics took part,
and became the aiders and abettors of savages who murdered
without mercy men, women, and children, in all cases ravish-
ing the women, sometimes as often as forty and fifty times in
succession, and, while insensible from brutality and exhaus-
tion, forced sticks up their persons, and in one instance, the
fortieth savage drew his saber and used it on the person of the
woman in the same manner. I do not know exactly how far
these humanitarians should be excused on account of their ig-
norance, but surely it is the only excuse that can give a shadow
of justification for aiding and abetting such horrid crimes."

246 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

It is a lamentable fact that the Indian js a savage, and his
modes of torturing his victim are barbarous. It is the mis-^
sioii of civilization to reclaim him from his savage ways. In
our warfare with him, however, and especially since Gen.
Sheridan has been the chief officer in the department of the
Missouri, in our torture and mutilation of the savage, we
have, if possible, excelled him in barbarism. And while we
have magnified the barbarity of the Indians in their conflicts-
with us, we have suppressed our brutal conduct in war with
them.

In Custer's report of the " Battle of the Washita," he states
that he killed " one hundred and three warriors, including
Black Kettle himself, whose scalp is now in the possession of
our Osage guides," and " have now in our possession fifty-
three squaws and their children." He states that "in the ex-
citement of the figlit, as well as in self-defense, it so happened
that some of the squaws and a few of the children were killed
and wounded." How easy it would have been to have given
the number of those that were killed and the number
wounded, and why was it not done ? It is a fact, though not
stated, that no male prisoners were taken over ten years of
age. All males above that age that did not escape were
killed ; and why sup[)ress the fact ? In Gen. Sheridan's re-
port he states that the number of squaws and children cap-
tured was fifty-three, and not fifty-three squaws and their
children, and no doubt he is correct. He repeats this num-
ber in his report of l^ovember 1, 1869. His language is " one
hundred and three warriors killed, and fifty-three women and
children captured." It is safe to say that there were in the
village more than two women for one man in every lodge —
more than one hundred wdmen in the village, and yet but
fifty-three women and children were captured; hence there
were more than fifty women killed. To make the number of
warriors killed. Gen. Ouster of course counted all the male
Indians down to ten years of age that were slain. The bar-
baric entry into Camp Supply, and the scalp dance that took
place, have been referred to in a previous chapter.

As to the evidences offered that Black Kettle and his band
were guilty of the excesses on the Solomon and Saline, it is-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 247

submitted that Gen. Sheridan oyerdnes the matter. How did
he know that the Indians ravished women forty and fifty
times in succession ? And as to the illustrated book, how did
he know that it represented the operations of Black Kettle's
band ? In point, of fact, did he find the photographs, da-
guerreotypes, clothing, bedding, mail, and blank-book in the
village of Black Kettle ? In the report of Gen. Custer of
November 28, 1868, he gave a very minute detail of all the
property found in the village, and said that every thing of
value to the Indians was destroyed. He did not mention one
of these evidences of hostility and guilt, which Gen. Sheridan
affirms were found in the deserted village, after every thing
that fire could reach was burned. Had Custer observed any
of them, he would not only have announced the fact, but pre-
served these relics as evidence against Black Kettle. He said
not one word about this plunder after he returned to Camp
Supply with the trophies of his victory. He was there seven
days, and then moved south again, accompanied by Gen.
Sheridan. It was the 4th of December when they reached
the field of slaughter, on their way to Fort Cobb. A corre-
spondent of the ITew York Herald was with them. He states
that Sheridan and Custer took a survey of the battle-ground,
and the latter reported to the former the details of the " bat-
tle," and the position taken by the different columns ; that
the ground was well surveyed, and the details of the opera-
tion perfectly understood. "As the party entered within the
area of the fight" (said the correspondent), "the alarm of its
approach was the signal for the flight of innumerable beasts
and birds of prey. Thousands of ravens and crows, dis-
turbed in their carrion feast, rose in one dense black mass,
filling the surrounding air with their mournful notes, and,
soaring over the field, seemed to shower down imprecations
in return for their molestation. . . . Entering the space
occupied by the Indian lodges, on all sides lay the ruins of
the village of Black Kettle's band. The covflagration started
by the troops was so complete that scarcely anything of a combust-
ible character escaped, and to-day the debris of the village consisted
in broken and burned lodge poles, and small pieces of tanned and
wMnned hides. . . . The former site of the lodges could

248 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

be distinctly seen by the pins ranging in a circle and a fire-
place in the center. . . . The scene was one of the most
intense solitude. The sunlight glistening upon the hoar
frost settled upon the grass and trees, lent a tranquil charm
to the landscape ; the leafless and inert vegetation and painful
silence was the picture of desolation." This correspondent
was observing and minute in descriptions and details of all
that was seen, and yet he does not say one word of those evi-
dences of hostility which Gen. Sheridan asserts were at that
time found. Moreover, Gen. Sheridan, on the 19th, and Gen.
Custer, on the 22d of December, 1868, made report of their
journey from Camp Supply, via the battle-ground, to Fort
Cobb, and while many facts and incidents are narrated, among
them the delay of a day in the region of and visit to the site
of the demolished village, but no reference is made to these
trophies of hostility and guilt. The correspondent of the
Herald, the day after tlie command arrived at Fort Cobb,
wrote out in a lengthy letter the details of the journey, with
its incidents and events, but said not one word of these relics,
which Gen. Sheridan afterward, and when required by an emer-
gency, asserted were found in the debris of the village. It is left
with the reader to judge whether it be true that Gen. Sheri-
dan did find these trophies in the debris and ruins of the de-
stroyed village on the Washita.

In the report of Gen. Custer, of the 28th of liTovember,
1868, he informed Gen. Sheridan that, on the morning of the
26th, he " struck a trail of an Indian war party, numbering
about one hundred warriors. . . . The direction was toward
the southeast," etc. The next day, the 29th of November, Gen.
Sheridan made a field, and also wrote an oflicial, report of the
"battle" to Gen. Sherman, announcing the victory. The
first informs his command of " the defeat, by the Seventh Cav-
alry, of a large band of Cheyenne Indians, under the cele-
b^iited chief Black Kettle, reinforced by the Arapahoes under
Little Raven, and Kiowas under Satanta, " etc. The second
informs Gen. Sherman that the command of Custer, "on the
26tli (ITovember), struck the trail of a war party of Black
Kettle's band, returning from the north, near where the east-
ern line of the Pan -handle of Texas crosses the main Cana-

OUE INDIAjST waeds. 249

•dian, . . . and, on the morning of the 27th, surprised the
camp of Black Kettle, and, after a desperate fight, in which
Black Kettle was assisted by. the Arapahoes under Little
Eaven, and the Kiowas under Satanta, captured the entire
camp," etc. It will be noticed that Custer did not say, or
even intimate in any form, that the trail he struck was a war
party of Black Kettle's band, nor does he say that Black Ket-
tle was reinforced by Little Eaven or Satanta, or assisted by
these chiefs, or any other Lidians. All he did say was that
" the Kiowas under Satanta, and the Arapahoes under Little
Raven, were encamped six miles below ; the warriors from
these two villages came to attempt the rescue of the Chey-
•ennes. They attacked my command from all sides, about
«oon, hoping to recover the squaws and herd of the Chey-
-ennes." He had previously said that the lodges and all their
contents were in his hands within ten minutes after the at-
tack; that the real lighting continued several hours, when
his efforts were crowned with success. It was after this fight-
ing was all over, and the warriors killed, that the Kiowas and
Arapahoes came, hoping to recover the squaws (prisoners) and
herd of the Cheyennes. There is nothing in Custer's report
•to justify Gen. Sheridan in stating that the trail was that of
a war party of Black Kettle's band, or that the chief was re-
inforced during the " battle " by any Indians whatever. In
his annual report of IJifovember 1, 1869, Gen. Sheridan, in re-
ferring to the trail which Custer struck on lifovember 26,
1868, said that it was the trail of a war party which was
-" composed, as I afterward learned from Indians, of Black
Kettle's band of Cheyennes." Unfortunately for him, he did
not see any Indians until the afternoon of December 1, 1868,
while his field order and letter to Gen. Sherman, iu which it
was stated that the trail struck was that of a war party of
Black Kettle's band, were written more than two days pre-
vious.

The Kiowa Indians were located on the Washita, a few
miles below the village of Black Kettle, at the time Custer
surprised and destroyed it. Philip McCusky was the inter-
preter for these and the Comanche Indians. Black Eagle, a
iiowa Chief, gave McCusky the first information he had

250 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

" concerning the action that recently took place on the Wash-
ita, river, near the Antelope hills," between a column of
United States troops and the Cheyenne Indians. This chief
stated that a party of Kiowa Indians, returning from an ex-
pedition against the Utes, saw, on the 25th of November, on
nearing the Antelope hills, on the Canadian river, a trail
going south toward the Washita. On their arrival at the
Cheyenne camp, they told the Clieyennes about it, but the
Cheyennes only laughed at them. One of the Kiowas con-
cluded to stay all night at the camp, and the rest of them
went on to their own camps. About daylight the next morn-
ing, the camp was attacked by the troops. The Kiowa who
was a guest made his escape, and bore the news to the villages
below. On the 3d of December, 1868, McCusky, from Fort
Cobb, wrote to Thomas Murphey, the sufierintendent of In-
dian affairs, residing at Atchison, Kansas, communicating to
him, in detail, the report of the affair, as he received it from
Black Eagle. It seems pertinent here to ask the question, if
Custer did strike a trail, whether it was not the trail of this
war party of Kiowas, who were returning from an expedition
against the Utes?

As early as the 22d of August, 1868, Superintendent Mur-
phey inclosed to the commissioner of Indian affairs a letter
from E. W. Wynkoop, the Cheyenne and Arapahoe agent,,
touching "the recent Indian troubles on the Solomon and Sa-
line rivers," with the report of a talk had hj the agent with
the Cheyenne chief, Little Rock, in relation thereto. Mr.
Murphey said: "The agent's letter and report are full, and,
explain themselves. I fully concur in the views expressed by
the agent — that the innocent Indians, who are trying to keep
in good faith their treaty pledges, be protected in the manner
indicated by him ; while I earnestly recommend that the In-
dians who have committed these gross outrages be turned
over to the military, and that they be severely punished."

Colonel Wynkoop suggested in his letter that he might be
permitted to take those Indians whom he knew to be guilt-
less, and who were desirous of reinaining at.f>eace, and locate
them and their lodges and families at some point in the vicin-
ity of Fort Larned, and there let them be subsisted entirely

OUR INDIAM WARDS. 251

by the government until the trouble was over — the Indiana
to bave certain prescribed bounds, and a small squad of troops
furnished for their protection. He urged that justice to the
Indians who had faithfully held to their treaty obligations
demanded that some measure of the kind be taken ; that pol-
icy dictated it, and that it would be economy in the end. He.
feared that unless some such measure be immediately adopted,
to protect and provide for the class of Indians referred to, that
they, in case of war, would most likely be the parties who
would suffer, instead of those deserving punishment. He was
impressed with the importance of early action, since Gen.
Sheridan was making provision for his campaign. He said :
" If the department acts at all, it must act quick ; and, in
transmitting this letter, I would respectfully beg, if you fa-
vorably indorse the same, that you will urge haste."

The talk between Little Eock and the agent was held at
Port Larned on the 19th of Augiist, 1868, the former having
returned from a mission on which the latter had sent him to
ascertain, if he could, the facts in relation to the depredations
and murders committed on the Solomon and the Saline. Lit-
tle Eock's report was quite full. He informed the agent that
a war party left the Cheyenne camps, above the forks of the
Walnut, about the" 2d or 3d of August, to go against the
Pawnees ; that it crossed the Smoky Hill near Fort Hays, and
thence proceeded to the Saline. Ten lodges of Sioux and four
Arapahoes accompanied it. Little Eaven's son was one of
the Arapahoes. When the party reached the Saline, they
. turned down the stream, with the exception of about twenty,
who, being fearful of depredations being committed against
the whites, by the party going in the direction of the settle-
tlements, kept north toward the Pawnees. The main party
continued down the Saline, until it came in sight of the set-
tlements, where it camped. A Clieyenne, named Oh-e-ah-
mohe-a, a brother of White Antelope, who was killed at
Sand Creek, and another, nariied Eed JSTose, proceeded to the
first house. They afterward returned to camp, and with them
a captive woman. The main party was surprised at this ac-
tion, and forcibly took possession of her, and returned her to
her home. The two Indians had outraged the woman before

252 OUE INDIAN WAKDS.

they brought her to the camp. The party then left the Sa-
line, and went north toward the settlements on the south fork
of the Solomon, where they were kindly received and fed by
the white people. They left tbese settlements, and proceeded
toward the north fork. When in sight of the settlements on
this fork, the party came upon a body of armed settlers, who
fired upon them ; they avoided these, and went around, and
approached a house some distance off. In tbe vicinit}'^ of it,
they came upon a white man alone upon the prairie. Big Head's
son rode at him, and knocked him down with a club. The
Indian who committed tlTe outrage upon the woman, known
as White Antelope's brother, then fired u^on the white man,
but without effect, while a third Indian rode up and killed
him. Soon after they killed a white man and near by a wo-
man, all in the same settlement. At this time the Indians
were divided in feeling, the majority being opposed to any
■outrages being committed, but, finding it was useless to con-
tend against them without bringing on strife among them-
selves, they gave way, and all went in together. They then
went to another tiouse, where they killed two men, and took
two little girls prisoners. The party then turned south toward
the Saline, and came on a body of mounted troops, by
whom they were charged and pursued. The Indians having
the two girls dropped without injuring them. Soon after this
the pursuit ceased. The Indians proceeded up the Saline
«ome distance, when the'party divided, the majority of it go-
ing north, toward the settlements on the Solomon. Thirty of
them, however, started"~on their -return to their village near
Fort Larned. This is- the substance of Little Eock's report.
The chief then said: "The other day, when I talked with
you, you gave instructions what to do ; with a great deal of
risk and danger I have followed out these instructions, and
returned to you with what is straight, and which I have just
given you. I want you, as my agent, to give me advice what
to do. I do not wish'to be at war with the whites, and there
are many of my nation who feel as I do, and who are in no
way guilty, and do not wish-^o be punished for the bad acts
of those who are guilty."

Col. Wynkoop then asked Little Eock if he knew the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 2.j3

names of the principal men of the party that committed the-
depredations heside White Antelope's brother ? To which the
chief replied : " They were Medicine Arrow's oldest son,
named Tall Wolf; Red Nose, who was one of the men who
outraged the woman ; Big Head's son, named Porcupine Bear,
and Sand Hill's brother, known as the Bear that Goes-
Ahead."

Col. Wynkoop then said : " You told me your nation wants
peace ; will you, in accordance with your treaty stipulations,
deliver up the men whom you have named as being the lead-
ers of the party who committed the outrages named ?"

Answer by Little Rock : " I think that the only men who-
ought to suffer andbe responsible forthese outrages are White
Antelope's brother and Eed Nose, the men who ravished the
woman, and when I return to the Cheyenne camps and as-
semble the chiefs and head men, I think these two men will be
delivered up to you."

Col. Wynkoop : " I consider the whole party guilty ; but it
being impossible to punish all of them, I hold the princi-
pal men whom you mentioned responsible for all. They had
no right to be led and governed by two men. If no depreda-
tions had been committed after the outrage on the woman,
the two men whom you have mentioned above would have
been guilty." ,

Little Eock : "After your explanation, I think .your de-
mand for the men is right. I am willing to deliver them up,
and will go back to the tribe and use my best endeavors to-
have them surrendered. . . . I am here in your service^
at the same time I am a Cheyenne, and want to do all I can
for the welfare of my people."

Before any thing could be accomplished, the troops were in
the field, which put an end to any further attempts looking
to a peaceful surrender of the principal Indians engaged in
the outrages on the Solomon and SalinCj,

In the same document in which General Sherman, on the
19th of September, officially announced that he regarded the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes at war, and suggested that the
well disposed should be separated from the warlike parts of
the bands, and conducted to the reservation, there to be pro-

254 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

vided for under their treaty, say at old Fort Cobb, he said :
" I can not consent to their being collected and held near Fort
Earned." Fort Cobb was not on their reservation, and. be-
sides, his peace agent, General Hazen, was not then at Fort
Cobb and did not arrive there for fifty days thereafter. More-
over, no provision had then been made for the reception of
friendly Indians at Fort Cobb, and at no time was provision
made for the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, at that or any other
place during the remainder of that year.

While en route to Fort Cobb, and about the time General
Custer struck Black Kettle's camp on the Washita, Colonel
WynkoAp resigned liis position as agent for the Cheyenne and
Arapahoe Indians, and returned home to Pennsylvania. On
the 26th January, 1869, from Philadelphia, he wrote the com-
missioner of Indian aft'airs, and said: "I am perfectly satis-
fied that the position of Black Kettle, at the time of the at-
tack upon his village, was not a hostile one. I know that^he
had proceeded to the point at which he was killed, with the iivder-
stamling that it was the locality where those Indians who were
friendly disposed should assemble. I know that such information
had been, conveyed to Black Kettle, as the orders of the military
authorities, and (hat he was also instructed, that Fort Cobb was the
point that the friendly Indians vmuld receive subsistence at. . . .
In regard to the charge that Black Kettle was engaged in the
depredations committed on the Saline and Solomon, during
the summer oi 186S, I know the same to be utterly false, as Black
Kettle at that tim.e was camped near my agency on the Pawnee
fork:'

On his return from an official visit to the Osages, Superin-
tendent Murphey, on the 4th of December, 1868, wrote the
commissioner of Indian affairs, and said: "I found in the
public journals General Sheridan's report of what he calls
'the opening of the campaign against the hostile Indians,' the
}ierns il of which makes me sick at heart. Had these Indians
been hostile, or had they been the warriors who committed
the outrages on the Solomon and Saline rivers, in August last,
or those who subsequently fought Forsyth and his scouts, no
one would rejoice over this victory more than myself. But
who were the parties thus attacked and slaughtered by Gen-

OUE INDIAN WAEDS. 255

«ral Custer and his command ? It was Black Kettle's band
of Oheyennes. Black Kettle, one of the best and truest
fiieuds the whites ever had among the Indians of the plains."

It does seem that sufficient evidence has been produced
to satisfy every candid and fair minded person that Black
Kettle was not engaged in any of the excesses on the Solo-
mon and the Saline, or iu any excesses whatever during the
year 1868, and that General Sheridan's statements to the con-
trary, are deliberate misrepresentations. Nevertheless, another
item of testimony, coming from a military source, will be
given, as confirmatory of what has been already offered. In
July, 1869, General Carr, after scouting several days in pur-
suit of hostile Indians, surprised on the 11th of the month a
camp of "Dog Soldiers and Cheyennes," near Valley Station,
killing some fifty-two, and capturing a number of women and
■children. The Indians that escaped (the general said) fled
without " a single pack ; left most of their saddles, and will
have no shelter or food, except horse meat, till they can find
buffalo. We captured (said Carr) three hundred and fifty
animals, eighty-six lodges, forty rifles, twenty pistols, a num-
ber of robes and quantities of camp equipage, which was de-
stroyed. . . . We followed them for ten days, and found
them at a spring east of the South Platte, near Valley Station,
then wen^; back toward the head of Frenchman's fork." Gen-
eral Augur, then commanding the department of the Platte,
in communicating this affair to General Sheridan said: "The
prisoners report it to be the only body of Indians known on
the Republican. It is the so.me that fought Forsyth and all
other parties on the liepublican last year."

With a brief recital of the manner m which Generals Har-
ney and Hazen, as representatives of General Sherman in the
disbursement of the money placed by him in their hands, to
be expended in the fulfillment of treaty stipulations with the
Indians with whom the peace commission had made treaties
iu 1867 and 1868, this chapter will close, and the reader will
have in it and the two preceding ones, the plain, unvarnished
story of how General Sherman discharged the high trust re-
posed in him by Congress, and the fidelity with which the
stipulations of the treaties with the Kiowa, Comanche.

256 OUR INDlAIf WARDS.

Apache, Cheyenne, Arapahoe, aud Sioux Indians were ful-
filled. By General. Sherman's general order of August 10,.
1868, the officer in command of each district — Ilarney and
Ilazen — were authorized to detail an officer to act as disburs-
ing agent, and to employ such clerical force as was necessary,
'and under no circumstances were any purchases, contracts, or
eniiagements to be made in excess of the actual money placed
in their hands, being the portion of the appropriation of $500-
000 allotted to their respective districts. Reports and returns
were to be made to G-eneral Sherman's headquarters, under
the rules prescribed by army regulations for the subsistence
department. Rules for the government of the district com-
manders were fully prescribed. The |200,000 set apart for
the Sioux district was placed under the control of General
Harney shortly after the 10th of August, 1868. He was then
at St. Louis. On the 23d of November of the same year he
made report of his doings to General Sherman, and was back
at St. Louis on the 14th of December, 1868. This report em-
braced all his liabilities to the date of it, and the wages of his
employes to December 31, 1868. His indebtedness was stated
by him to be $485,784.21, and being added to the $200,000
which was turned over to him by General Sherman, made the
aggregate of his operations in a little over three months $684,-
784.21. General Harney stated in his report that as soon as
he got control of the $200,000, he proceeded to purchase such
articles of food, agricultural implements, building materials,
etc., as were necessary for the establishment of the agencies.
The supplies thus purchased were, he said, shipped to their
destination, but the early close of navigation found some on
boats, frozen in on their way up the Missouri, and were car-
ried by land to the " reservations." He said the half breeds
from Fort Laramie, and the Brules of the Platte, were re-
moved to the reservation and located on the Missouri river, at
the mouth of Whetstone, about thirty miles above Fort Ran-
dall. At this point he said he had " established an agency,
erected warehouses, a steam saw-mill, etc., agency buildings,
etc., and provided the Indians with sufficient to support them
until the opening of navigation in the spring, together with
cattle, horses, and agricultural implements to enable them,.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 257

tinder the direction of their farmer, to commence operations
in the spring." Upon this reservation, he said, " ahout one
hundred houses have already been constructed (November 23),
and that, including Spotted Tail's band at the forks of the
White river, it contains a population of 2,500 Indians and
half breeds. A church and school-house are in process of
erection at this point."

The same report states that a reservation had been estab-
lished for the Two Kettle, Sans Arc, and Minneconju bands,,
near the mouth of the Big Cheyenne river, about twelve
miles above Fort Sully. Here, he said, there were erected" com-
modious warehouses, a steam saw-mill, etc., agency buildings,
and the necessary means and subsistence to last throughout
the winter, and until the Missouri opened the next spring, were
provided. A sufficient supply of work oxen and agricultural
implements have been purchased." At this agency, the re-
port said that about two thousand Indians had already
arrived, and messages had been received from the remainder,
saying they " are doing well amongst the buffalo, and assuring-
me of their peaceful intentions, and that they will all come in
early next spring and locate on the reservations assigned
them." General Harney said he made no effort to get them in,,
since their frequent arrivals " plainly indicated that they would
be on the reservation, in full force, quite as soon as the gov-
ernment could be ready for their support." At the mouth of
Grand river. General Harney said he had established a res-
ervation for the Uncpapas, Cut Heads, and the temporary
location of the Yanktonais and Blackfeet Sioux. At this
point he said : " I have the most important and extensive
agency within the Sioux reservation. A steam saw-mill, etc.,
have been erected here ; also, several large warehouses and
six agency buildings have been constructed. The necessary
supplies have been purchased for the support of the Indians
at this upper agency until the opening of navigation in the
spring. The number of Indians already on the reserve is
four thousand five hundred. . . . I have," said the gen-
eral, " supplied this agency with work cattle and farming im-
,plements sufficient to enable the Indians to commence the
17

258 OUE INDIAN WAEDS.

cultivation of the soil early next season, under the direction
of their farmers."

If the statements of General Harney be true, he had accom-
plished a marvelous amount of work in a very short space
of time, especially wheu we call to mind the fact that the
agencies established by him were hundreds of miles apart,
with the navigation of the river impeded by low water, an
early freeze up, and the rigors of a Dakota winter to' obstruct
his progress. A tabular statement of his employes, embraced
in his report, is a curiosity. His own headquarters (for he
was a general in our army) were at Peoria Bottom. There
was, at this point, no agency established; nor did any In-
dians dwell here. Still he had sixteen employes, classified as
follows, viz : Commissary, clerk, interpreter, foreman, black-
smith, farmer, butcher, cook, each one ; carpenter, herder,
each two ; laborers four — in all, sixteen. At Whetstone
agency, eighteen employes ; at Cheyenne agency, thirty-three
employes, and at Grand river, thirty-six employes — in all,
eighty -seven. These are classified as follows : Teamster and
ferryman, each one; superintendent, foreman, blacksmith,
and butcher, each two ; interpreter, engineer, and cook, each
three; clerks, four; carpenter and farmer, each six; herders,
fourteen, and laborers, fifty-three. "Work oxen and horses,
according to the report, are supplied in abundance, and yet
but one teamster. About a hundred houses are built at
"Whetstone agency ; also a warehouse, agency buildings, and a
steam saw-mill ; and a church and school-house are in process
of erection, and work cattle and horses are there, and yet but
one carpenter, one teamster, and eleven laborers are em-
ployed! It is needless to analyze the report at the other
agencies, or reservations, as they are termed by General Har-
ney. The reader can do that at leisure. It may be stated,
that few evidences remained>in 1876 of such improvements as
General Harney reported to have been made in the fall of
1868, though if the houses of Various kinds, mills, churches,
etc., had been permitted to go into rapid decay, it would seem
the debris ought to remain as a monument to the marvelous
energy that wrought such wonders in so short a time. In
1876, the remains of some timber wheels, in a country where

OUR INDlAisr WARDS. 259

there was no need of them, as well as the remnants of some
old " condemned " military wagons, were still visible, to attest
the folly of General Harney's attempt to fulfill the provisions
of the Sioux treaty of 1868.

It is to be observed that in his report Gen. Harney claims
to have had on his three reservations only about nine thousand
Indians, out of the whole Sioux nation, and these were, except
the twenty-five hundred at Whetstone, Indians who, for years
previous, had resided on the Missouri river, and were then
living under the provisions of the treaties made with them in
1865. The great body of the Sioux, those residing on the
Powder, Tongue, Big Horn, and other rivers, the Kosebud
and other streams, and who roamed in the vast country south
of the Yellowstone and east of the summit of the Big Horn
mountains,(the pacification of whom was the prime object of
the treaty of 1868) were not on the Missouri river, and had no
lot or part in the rations and supplies that were furnished that
fall and preceding winter. The balance-sheet of Gen. Harney
is embodied in his report as " an estimate of indebtedness
over and above the sum appropriated for the Sioux Indian
District, under general order No. 4, dated August 10, 1868."
Here it is :

Vouchers approved $62,142 65

Smith & Peck, for provisions 204,994 87

Smith & Peck, for freight 112,646 49

Boggs & Co., for cattle now being delivered 55,000 00

John Finn, for cattle now being delivered 40,000 00

Pay due employes to January 1, 1869, about 11,000 00

$485,784 21
This sum, be it remembered, is in addition to the $200,000
turned over to him by Gen. Sherman, on the 10th of August,
1868. In his report Gen. Harney states that he was " com-
pelled to enter into a considerable amount of indebtedness,
but it was absolutely necessary to get up sufiicient supplies to
last until the opening of the Missouri river, next season, and
the parties who undertook to furnish the goods, relying on
Congress to make provision for payment, have performed
their duty honestly and faithfully. No clothing whatever has

260 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

been purchased. The purchases consisted mainly of pro-
visions, viz : Flour, corn, bacon, coffee, sugar, and beef cat-
tle, building materials, steam saw-mills, etc. The lateness of
the season at which I was enabled to commence operations,
made transportation very costly, and is a considerable item in
the indebtedness incurred. Two boat loads of provisions were
sunk, but were insured,- and I have made up for the want of
these goods, by purchasing largely of beef cattle, which haye
just been brought up at this late season. ... I am per-
fectly satisfied with the success which has attended the com-
mencement of this work, and can unhesitatingly declare that
to insui-e perpetual peace with the Sioux Indians, it is ouly
necessary to fulfill the terms of the treaty made by the peace
commission."

In transmitting Gen. Harney's report to the secretary of
war. Gen. Sherman said that the expenses were larger than
he had authorized, and asked that Gen. Harney might be pei?-
mitted to visit Washington to advcTcate the justice and pro-
priety of his course, and to procure an appropriation of
money to cover his past outlays, and to carry into full effect
his plan of putting to work in the spring every band of these
Indians. He said : " I have no doubt Gen. Harney has laid
the foundation for a system which, if persevered in, will, in
time, domesticate the larger part of this powerful nation
of Indians, and withdraw them from the railroads that have
been built across the continent."

It may be safely assumed that the personal knowledge of
Gen. Harney as to what was being done at any of the " res-
ervations" where he established agencies, either in improve-
ments or the issue of supplies to the Indians, was very slight.
His headquarters were at a point where no Indians were,
and the charge of, and duties pertaining to the agencies, were
by him relegated to others ; and it is probable that at no
time had Gen. Sherman any personal knowledge in the prem-
ises. How much money, if any, in addition to the amount
he reported as due November 23, 1868, was required and ob-
tained to carry out the enterprise through the winter and
spring, may, it is presumed, be ascei-taiued by searching the
files of the war department. It does not appear that any

OUR INDIAN "WARDS. 261

further report was ever published of the operations of Gen.
Sherman in fulfillment of the treaty stipulations with the
Sioux. If the work had been done by civil agents, and in the
same manner, no doubt some one would have been curious
enough to have called for information, and army officers
at that time stationed in the valley of the Missouri would
have had a theme on which to dwell with emphasis.

After Gen. Harney retired from the Sioux district, militiiry
iagents were for some time continued in employment at all the
agencies he established. Capt. Poole made his first report as
agent of the Whetstone agenc}' on the 20th of August, 1869.
He states in it that Whetstone creek extended back into the
country but a short distance, was not supplied with running
water, and was nearly dry, except in rainy weather. Cotton-
wood was found on either bank in limited quantities. The
valley of the creek bottom was quite narrow, and contained
a limited quantity of arable land. A narrow strip of land on
the Missouri, he was of the opinion, might be cultivated, but
the hills in the rear could not. He reported the number of
Indians located at this agency at one thousand souls only, and
these were called tire " Loafer " band, and composed of indi-
viduals who from'tirae to time seceded from the various bands
of Sioux and Cheyenues. They were inclined to cultivate the
soil and to civilized life, and had among them seventy-seven
whites, who had married into the Indian families. He stated
that the material io'F the buildings constructed and in course
of construction at this agency was taken from an island in
the Missouri river, opposite the agency. He said that most
of the agricultural implements turned over to him, and which
could not have been in use but a very short time, were " very
much worn, and needed repairs; also the wagons, which con-
sisted of a number of very old ones, brought from Fort Lar-
amie, were almost useless, and being very large and heavy,
could be used only with oxen. The same is much the case
with all the public property, and is so stated in all invoices
and receipts rendered by the agent turning over the same."
Capt. Poole also stated that the quantity of annuity goods
previously distributed was very small — so small that in the
subdivision of the same much discontent was exhibited, since

262 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

the great majorit}' of the Indians received nothing. He fur-
ther said that no school or mission house ; no buildings for
carpenter, farmer, blacksmith, miller, or engineer ; no agency
buildings or residence for physician, had been erected. The
employes were engaged at the date of his report in erecting
warehouses for storage. One was completed before he took
charge, and he had completed a second one, and two more
were under way. An office building and a small mess-house
were completed. He said nothing of the one hundred houses
reported by Gen. Harney as having been built the previous
fall. Such is substantially the report of Capt. Poole as to the
condition of things at his agency. This paragraph appears
in his report : " In stating any plan of benevolence the gov-
ernment may adopt in the future, they recall the promises
made by the parties mentioned in the treaty last year, and
ask, pertinently, who can they believe now ? An agent can
do little to regain their confidence, in the face of treaty stip-
ulations so lately unfulfilled."

On the 16th of August, 1869, Capt. George M. Eandall,
agent at the Cheyenne " reservation," made his first report;
and on the 26th of September, 1869, Major J. N. Hearn, agent
at the Grand river " reservation," made his first report. Nei-
ther of these officers go into details, as did Capt. Poole, and
they make no mention whatever of the extended improve-
ments made at Cheyenne and Grand river, the previous fall by
Gen. Harney. These same military officers were continued in
charge of their respective agencies during the year 1870.
Their reports of that year have but little that is specific, and
nothing that is encouraging. They state facts, however, which
show that in some important matters there was gross neglect
on the part of superior officers, either in the interior or war
department, or both, and furnish abundant evidence that the
civihzation of the Indian is not a duty to be successfully pur-
sued by military officers.

The foundation laid by Gen. Harney for the domestication
of the Sioux, which was so satisfactory to Gen. Sherman, was
for several years pursued under a mixed administration of
military and civil agents, and afterward, when all the duties
were confided to civilians, there was military interference and

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 263

dictation from military officers, and the result was that for
the six years ending June 30, 1876, there was expended for
the support and civilization of the Sioux, on the average,
more than two millions of money per year, with scarcely any
favorable results or good impressions being made on the
greater part of the Indians.

Gen. Hazen, to whom was assigned the conduct of Indian
affairs in the southern district, iu a communication of the
10th of ISTovember, 1868, stated that be received the order as-
signing him to that district, to have charge of the Indians of
the same with whom treaties had been made, about the first of
September, and that he had verbal instructions as to his
duties on the thirteenth of the month. The order was pro-
mulgated on the 10th of August, 1868. He was, by its terms,
to repair to Fort Cobb, in the Indian Territory, to take
charge of the Indians, and proceed to the fulfillment of their
treaty stipulations. As early as September 17, Gen. Sher-
man had officially declared the Cheyenne and Arapahoe In-
dians at war, and suggested that the superior orders of the presi-
dent be invoked against the issue of any goods, even clothing,
being given to them. On the 19th and 20th of September,
Generals Hazen and Sheridan were together at Fort Larned.
General Ilazen then understood that these Indians were
declared hostile and at war, and afterward, in his corre-
spondence with Gen. Sherman, said : " I have considered them
since that time as beyond my authority till they shall be
turned over by Major-General Sheridan, who is now dealing
with them." This left only the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache under the supervision of Gen. Hazen, when he
assumed his duties at Fort Cobb. He did not get there
until the 7th of I^fovember. On the 30th of October, Col.
Alvord, whom Gen. Hazen had sent to Fort Cobb, wrote
Maj. J. P. Ray, holding a military position in the Indian Ter-
ritory, that the Kiowa and Comanche whom Gen. Hazen had
seen at Fort Larned, and who were again to join him (Hazen)
at that post, preparatory to moving down to Fort Cobb, " for
fear of some trick, and from a dislike to traveling with sol-
diers, as they state, decided among themselves not to go to
Larned, but to come directly here, and they did so accord-

264 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

ingly, moving together on the direct trail from Fort Lamed
to this place, till they reached the Canadian, where they
camped and sent here to ascertain whether Gen. Hazen was
on time. Finding he was not, and by keeping couriers out,
knowing he was not en route, the Kiowas, hungry, moved
westward to the neighborhood of the Antelope Hills to hunt
buffalo, and they are there now. . . . The Comanches re-
mained on the Canadian, sending hunting parties west."
Black Kettle and other Cheyennes and Arapahoes were, at
that time, just north of the Antelope Hills. They knew from
the Kiowas, who had been at Fort Cobb, that Gen. Hazen was
not there, and hence they remained, for the time being, where
they could hunt buffalo. Black Eagle informed Col. Alvord
that Black Kettle and other chiefs would soon be at Fort
Cobb, to arrange for moving their people down. This could
not be done, however, until Gen. Hazen arrived to attend to
the duties assigned him. Col. Alvord said to Col. Ray:
" The military superintendent (Hazen) and the agent are both
looked for, but are not here. . . . And the promised sub-
sistence is not here." Instead of being at Fort Cobb, Gen.
Hazen was, after the middle of October, among the Kaw In-
dians, coquetting with them for warriors to join Gen.' Sheri-
dan's invading army. Had he been at Fort Cobb, he might
have ascertained that there was no foundation for the charge
of hostility against the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and been
enabled to give Gen. Sherman correct information as to the
location and disposition of these Indians. It might, perhaps,
have availed nothing, since both Sheridan and Sherman had
decided to make war upon them, and, to justify themselves,
had declared that the Indians were at open war. Gen. Ilazen
did not only delay, but when he finally set out for Fort Cobb,
he carried with him the views and feelings of Gen. Sherman
as to the temper and status of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes.
On the 10th of November he made up and forwarded to
Gen. Sherman an estimate of the amount of funds he would
require for six months from November 15, 1868, to ration the
Indians at Fort Cobb. This estimate amounted to |127,700.
He did not include one dollar in the estimate to be applied to
ration the Cheyennes and Arapahoes. On the 20th of No-

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 265

velnber, a delegatioa from these Indians, headed by Black
Kettle and Big Mouth, visited Qen. Hazen at Fort Cobb,,
and requested permission to bring their bands there to dwell
with hira. He declined to permit them to do so.

On the 15th of Ifovember, 1868, he made contracts for ra-
tions of beef and corn to supply the Indians for six months
from that time, to be paid for monthly provided the officer
receiving the rations was supplied with funds by the govern-
ment; if he were without funds the payment was to be de-
ferred until funds were provided. He had $50,000 set apart
for his use by Gen. Sherman, and was expressly prohibited,
in general order E"o. 4, from creating any obligation in excess
of that sum. Like Harney, among the Sioux, he paid no at-
tention to this limitation upon his action.

On the 7th of December, 1868, he advised Gen. Sherman
that Col. Boone, the new agent of the Kiowas and Comanches,
was at Fort Arbuckle, on his way to Cobb, but without any
annuities, and advised that he do not come among the In-
dians without them, since so many promiseF-have been made
about these annuities and none of them carried out.

!N"ot having much to do in fulfilling the stipulations of the
treaties of 1867, with the Indians parties to them, since the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes were outlawed, and the Apaches
and many of the Kiowas and Comanches were still among
the buffalo, Gen. Hazen amused himself in corresponding
with Gen. Sherman in relation to the transfer of the Indian
bureau to the war department. The Indian agent, in his
opinion, was a poor fellow at best, and frequently the chum
and partner with the Indian trader. He exalted the horn of
the army officer, and presented his fine points and qualifica-
tions for an Indian agent, and was satisfied there would be, in
the transfer, a great economic advantage. This he illustrated
in his own ease. " Why," said he, " I will get the ration here
for about one-half what was paid for it last year by the In-
dian bureau, and I think the same has been true in New
Mexico, where the army has fed the Navajoes." This was all
said on the 10th of E^ovember. On December 1, having then
some Indians assembled to whom rations were issued, he wrote
Gen. Sherman and said : " I am surprised how little money I

26(3 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

am getting on with, and I am informed that my expenses are
only about one-tenth monthly what it has usually cost to care
for the Indians here. I only feed the actual number of In-
dians present with a ration, all of which they require, while
it has been the custom to bear upon the returns a vastly
larger number, all of whom a ration was counted against, and
so composed that most of the articles could either be neglected
or commuted." The contents of this communication were so
pleasing to Gen. Sherman, that in transmitting it to the sec-
retary of war, he said : " Gen. Hazen's assertion that he only
provides for such as he knows to be there, accounts for the
other assertion that the subsistence of the Indians costs only
one-tenth of former years. I hope the secretary of war will
be careful to have these papers, as also others of a similar
kind, sent heretofore, carefully laid before the committee of
Indian afl'airs of the Senate." He ought to have added,
" since they may be valuable in promoting our scheme of the
transfer of the Indians to the army."

Shortly after the arrival of Gen. Hazen at Fort Cobb, he
received fifteen days' rations for the few Indians that were at
that place, and one hundred head of beef cattle from the sub-
sistence department of the army. The first of December
may be assumed as the period at which he began to provide
food for the Indians at Cobb, and his duties ceased on the
30th of June, 1869. He found he could not obtain the ration
at six cents, as he had reported he could, but that the ration
of beef and breadstufl", the latter sometimes reduced in quan-
tity, would cost eight cents. He said, however, that for many
months in the spring, summer, and autumn, but little beef
was required, the buffalo afibrding ample meat, which the In-
dians preferred.

In November he wrote Peter Cooper^ chairman of the New
York Indian Commission, and invited one of the commis-
sion, or some person deputed by it, to visit Fort Cobb, and
there, with him, study the condition and wants of the In-
dians. He said the government was assembling, under his
direction, from 8,000 to 10,000 wild Indians at Cobb. Mr.
Vincent Colyer, the secretary, was, upon this invitation, sent
down to Fort Cobb. He was there after midwinter and

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 267

Bpent some time. On his departure, he brought away a census
or statement of all Indians of both sexes, and all ages, belong-
ing to the Southern Indian District, from actual count and
the best authority. This statement was made up by an army
officer (Captain Charles Q. Penney), and embraced not only
the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, but the Cheyenne and
Arapahoe, and the "Wichita and affiliated bands. It was of
the date of February 1, 1869, and embraced not only the In-
dians present, and to whom the rations were issued, but those
absent among the buffalo. The number of Indians at that
time, of all ages, and including all the bands named, whether
absent or present, was 7,638. Of this number, 3,241 were
dwelling near Fort Cobb, and 4,397 were absent. General
Hazen gave the gross number, on June 30, 1869, at 7,339, of
which he estimated as on the reservation 4,339, and absent
3,000. It is believed that the number stated to be on the
reservation, or rather near Fort Cobb, on the 1st of February —
to wit, 3,241 — would be a liberal estimate for the whole period
of the administration of General Hazen, although that officer
estimated a larger number in the summer, when the Indians
would naturally seek the buffalo, the meat of which they
preferred. General Hazen reported that when he left, on
June 30, 1869, there were supplies on hand sufficient for two
months. This being so, he supplied rations for 3,241 Indians
for nine months, which would require 884,793 rations ; at 8
cents each, these rations would cost $70,783.44. To discharge
this bill for rations alone, he had at his command only
$50,000, of which he had expended for labor, $3,730 ; for
traveling expenses, $610 ; for needful things for the Indians,
such as clothing, medicine, implements, and two houses built
for the chiefs, $4,410— in all, $8,750 ; leaving, of the $50,000,
the sum of $41,250, to be applied to the ration account; and,
when so applied, leaving due, on this account, the sum of
$29,533.44. In his final report, he states that there is due
from the government, on his accounts, $56,106.86, for which
he submitted an exhibit in detail ; but this is not printed with
his report, although referred to in it. As the exhibit is not
printed, it can not be analyzed here ; but it appears, from the

268 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

figures, that his indebtedness exceeds the cost of the rations,
and the incidental expenses above stated, the sum of $26,573.42.
In his i-eport General Hazen said, that "the feeding of In-
dians here, the eight months before my arrival, was made a
matter of grand speculation, amounting to fraud. An in-
veiMgation of the matter shows that the United States
paid some six times what the service was worth ; and, unfor-
tunately, much of this came from what was intended for the
Indians' benefit in other ways." The document from which
this extract is taken was prepared at Camp Wichita, and it
is presumed had special reference to what occurred at the
Wichita agency, the Indians of which, after his arrival at
Fort Cobb, were under his supervision, and are embraced in
those classed as on the reservation, and to whom rations were
issued. Henry W. Shanklin was the agent of those Indians,
but was not among them, or at the agency, after the Ist of
October, 1868, having left because of the confused state of
Indian affairs, growing out of General Sheridan's campaign
" against the hostile Indians south of the Arkansas." Ho had
under his care while agent, in addition to the Wichita and
affiliated bands, the Delawares and Shawnees, then located
within what was known as the leased district. The Wichita
and affiliated bands on the reservation, by the statement fur-
nished Mr. Colyer, February 1, 1869, numbered 898 souls, of
all ages and both sexes. To ration these for one year, at eight
cents per ration (General Hazen's price), would cost the sum
of $26,221.60. The amount appropriated by Congress, for
the year ending June 30, 1868, for the Wichita and other
affiliated bands, for expenses of colonizing, supporting, and
furnishing them with agricultural implements, stock, cloth-
ing, medicine, iron, steel, maintenance of schools, and pay of
employes, was $37,800. Of this amount, agent Shanklin ex-
pended, during the year, only $24,971.87, divided as follows:
For the Indian service, in the district of country leased from
the Choctaws, the sum of $14,628.05 ; colonizing, supporting,
etc., the Wichita and other affiliated bands, $5,593.07; pay of
superintendents and agents, $2,956.25 ; pay of interpreters,
$400; contingencies, $239.25; buildings at agency, $993.61;
vaccination of Indians, $161.65 — making the gross sum, as

OUR INDIAN "WAEDS. 269

above, $24,971.87; and leaving unexpended, of the appropri-
ation of $37,800, nearly |13,000. The appropriation made
by Congress for this same agency, for the year ending June
30, 1869, was, for all purposes, only $15,000, which was made
July 27, 1868, none of which, it is presumed, came into the
hands of agent Shanklln, since he left the Indian country on
the 1st of October, 1868, and did not return. From the fore-
going facts, it is submitted that General Hazen was not war-
ranted in asserting that Shanklin paid six times as much as
the, service was worth, or that, for eight months before his
arrival, the agent had made the matter of feeding the Indians
a "grand speculation, amounting to fraud." It is shown
that to ration the 898 Indians of the Wichita and other
affiliated bauds would have cost per year, at eight cents per
ration, $26,221.60, whereas Shanklin had expended, for all
purposes, during his last year, only $24,971.87; and out of
this sum, for these Indians only $5,593.07 ; the residue being
expended for the Indian service in the leased district.

Col. Leavenworth, the agent for the Kiowa, Comanche,
and Apache Indians, left the Indian country, on the 26th of
May, 1868, and did not return, hence he could not have been
engaged in feeding Indians, or any operations among them,
in the eight months preceding the date of the report of Gen.
Hazen, in which he makes this charge.

Col. Wynkoop, the agent of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes,
had his agency more than two hundred miles from Fort Cobb,
and did not operate in that region at all. • He was north of
the Arkansas. Moreover, nearly ten months before the date
of Gen. Hazen's report, the military had declared Wynkoop's
Indians hostile and at war, and thereafter he had no official
connection with them, and left the Indian country before Gen.
Hazen reached Fort Cobb.

According to the reports of the agents, in 1867 and 1868,
of the number of the Indians in their charge, as tabulated in
the report of the commissioner of Indian aifairs, the Kiowas
and Comanohes are placed at 4,000; the Cheyennes and
Arapahoes at 3,000 ; and Wichita and other affiliated bands,
at 1,175— making the whole number, 8,175. The census and
estimates of these same Indians, made by one of Gen. Hazen's

270 OUR INDIA.N WARDS.

military officers, on the first of February, 1869, gave the gross
number at 7,638, ouly 537 less than the returns of the agents.
The band of Cheyennes that went north in August, 1868, and
those killed at the " Battle of the Washita," on the 27th of
iSTovember of that year — say 350 in all — added to those in the
military statement of February, 1869, would bring up the
number to 7,988, only 187 less than the number reported by
the agents. In the light of this exhibit, what becomes of the
assertion of Gen. Hazen, that he found, on his arrival at Fort
Cobb, that the Indians had been greatly exaggerated, and
were then " rated at fully double their numbers ? "

The entire appropriations for the support of the Kiowa,
Comanche, and Apache Indians, for the year ending June 30,
1868, were $58,000. These were under the care of Col. Leavr
enworth. The appropriations for the same year, for agent
Shanldin's Indians, were, as stated, $38,700, and of which he
expended only |24,971.87. Add this sum to the $58,000, and
we have the sum of $82,971.87, as the largest possible amount
that these agents expended, provided Leavenworth exhausted
all his appropriations. Gen. Hazen shows that he had ex-
pended and owed for rations, for only nine months, when ho
had less than one-half of the Indians belonging to these
agencies to feed, the sum of $97,356.86. At the same rate,
for three additional months, to make up the year, and it
would cost him, to feed less than one-half of the Indians,
$130,142.48, or $47,214.51 more than the sum expended dur-
ing the preceding year for all the Indians. This, it would
seem, dissipates the boasted economy of Gen. Hazen's Indian
management, and stamps with emphasis his statement that
he only required one-tenth of the sum that the civil agents
had previously absorbed in feeding Indians. He, of course,
had no data upon which to base his statements as to the
number of Indians the agents had upon their rolls, or the
cost of feeding them ; and whatever information he obtained
was from those who intended to flatter and deceive him, and
such stories Gen. Sherman thought it important to impress
the secretary of war to be careful to have laid before the In-
dian Committee of the Senate! A reference to them here,
and the comparison gone into, is to demonstrate, not only to

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 271

•senators, but to all people, that army officers, when dealing -^
with the Indian question, are not reliable ; that their prejudice '
against civil agents is so deep, that any story, no matter how
unfounded, is accepted by them, assumed as fact, and, unfor-
tunately, placed in their reports, and thus made a part of
history. It is certain that Gen. Hazen had no facts or infor-
mation from others, that was reliable, on which to make such
sweeping statements as he did in relation to the manner in
which Indian agents had discharged their duties previous to
his arrival at Fort Cobb. The manner in which G-en. Sher-
man, either personally or through his military agents, fulfilled
his duty, and discharged the high trust reposed in him by
Congress, is here left with the reader, without further com-
ment.

272 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

CHAPTER XIV-

MiLITAKT OPERATIONS IN MoNTANA IN 1869 AND 1870. — ThE DESTKUOTION OP
THE PlEGAN INDIAN CAMP BY CoL. BaKBR. — MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE AND
REPORTS TODCHING THE CAMPAIGN.

The fabulous stories in relation to the mineral treasures in
Montana, which gained currency in 1865, almost frenzied the
people, and induced thousands to rush thither to possess them-
selves of the product of the mines. The idea that the native
population had any rights there, never for one moment occu-
pied the mind or conscience of those who hurried forward to-
these reputed fountains of wealth. The rights and interests
of the Indian were wholly lost sight of. He was treated as an
alien and an outlaw, and wherever found was dealt with ac-
cordingly. The natural result was that when the Indian could
he retaliated, and depredations were committed and whites
were killed. Indian resistance and outbreaks were promptly
published,often in a magnified form. Acting Governor Meagher
inaugurated a war against the Indians on his own motion.
He had no authority from the government, but he acted, and
called for one thousand miners, to arm and equip for the cam-
paign. He gave them full license, and guaranteed them alt
the property they could take from the Indians, and a liberaL-
bounty for every Indian scalp.

The Bloods and Blackfeet had for many years been on
friendly terms with the whites, and the agents of the Great
Father. As far as possible, these Indians tried to evade the
scouting parties, and avoid conflicts with Meagher's troops.
They were distinct and did not reside in the same section of
country. With all their caution and friendly disposition, they
did not at all times escape, but suffered in loss of property, and
a number of them were killed.

The Piegans, at least one band of them, that of Mountain
Chief, was disposed to resent and resist injury, and for wrong
done to his band, where he could, he retaliated. Mr. Culbert-
8on, a truthfal man aud long a resident among the Blackfeet,.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 273

and iutimately acquainted with, the Indians in Montana, and
with their disposition and temper, stated to Gen. Sully, in a
note written him on the 2d of September, 1869, that he had
just arrived from the interior, where he had been " since last
winter with the Bloods and Blackfeet Indians. These people
(be said) are perfectly friendly to the whites, and up to the
time I left there, they evinced no disposition to be otherwise."
He said of the Piegaus that they had lived in almost constant
communication with Fort Benton, and that he was surprised
to hear of their raids upon the whites, and that his knowledge
of their character for a great many years would not permit him
to think that there existed a general hostile feeling among
them. He supposed that whatever depredations had been com-
mitted were by some of the " young rabble over whom the
chiefs have no control."

Gen. Sully was then, and had been for some time previous,
acting as superintendent of Indian affairs in Montana. Early
in August, 1869, he had advised the commissioner of Indian
affairs that he apprehended trouble ; that the portion of the
citizens of the territory who were law-abiding were anxious
for peace with the Indians, and would willingly render any
assistance in their power to aid the authorities to carry out the
laws, if they were backed by military force, but there were not
troops sufficient for that purpose. He asked the commissioner
to apply for an increase of the military force. He said that
war parties of Indians from the Powder river country, the
British Possessions, and from Idaho and Washington territories
frequently visited Montana, and committed depredations on
the whites ; that the latter retaliated by killing, any Indians
they chanced to meet, and sometimes in the most brutal and
cowardly manner ; he said there was a white element in the
territory which, from its rowdy and lawless character, could
not be excelled in any section, and the traffic in whisky with
the Indians was carried on to an alarming extent. He spoke
of the fact that about ten days previous, a harmless old man
and a boy about fourteen years old, both Piegans, were mur-
dered in broad daylight in the streets of Benton ; that he in-
tended to try to arrest the murderers, but doubted very much
18

'^''j-y,-SL

274 OUR INDIAX WARDS. ,,

~ "" "- ' /iv )

(J
if he could convict them in any court; he concluded that

nothing could be done to insure peace or order, " until there

was a military force strong enough to clean out the roughs

and whisky sellers."

On the 22d of September, 1869, General Sully, as superin-
tendent, again wrote to the commissioner of Indian affairs in
relation to alleged depredations, supposed to be committed
bj' Blackfeet Indians. Lieutenant Pease, who was their
agent, had communicated depredations to General Sully, and
expressed the opinion that the Bloods and Blackfeet had
nothing to do with the matter ; that from what he could learn
the depredations were committed by a small band of the
Piegan Indians, and that they had moved north. He said in
his communication that all the Indians were desirous that the
agency should be supported, and the conditions of the treaty
of 1868 fulfilled, so that they could be maintained according
to promises made them. No part of the $500,000 voted to
^General Sherrnan to fulfill treaty stipulations, had been set
apart by him to fulfill the stipulations with any of these
Indians.

All these communications were referred to the war depart-
ment, and thence to General Sheridan. That ofiicer responded
in a note to the adjutant-general, of the date of October 21,
1869, and said that there had been so few troops in Montana
that he had been unable to do much against the Indian
marauders, but as the regiments were filling up he thought
it would be the best plan to let him find out exactly where
these Indians (the Piegan tribe he referred to) were going to
spend the winter, and about the time of a good heavy snow, he
would send out a party and try and strike them. He named
the 15th of January as the time when they would be "very
helpless, and if where they live is not too far from Shaw or Ellis,
we might be able to give them a good hard blow." lie added,
" we must strike where it hurts, and if the general-in-chief
thinks well of this, I will try and steal a small force on this
tribe from Port Shaw or Ellis, during the winter."

The adjutant-general of the army, under date of Novem-
ber 9, 1869, advised General Sheridan that his communica-
tion of October 21 had been submitted to the general of the

OUE INDIAN WAHDS. 275

army, and his proposed action in relation to the punishment
of the Piegans, as therein stated, was approved; and on the
15th of November, General Sheridan inclosed the correspond-
ence to General Hancock, with whom, before that period, he
'had been in private correspondence about the punishment of
these Indians, and informed him that authority was given to
punish the Piegans if found within striking distance, " and
you are authorized by me (said Sheridan) to extend this author-
ity to any of the Blackfeet who may have been engaged in the
murders and robberies lately perpetrated in Montana." He
adds : " Major Baker, who is now en route to Fort Ellis, is a
most excellent man to be intrusted with any party you may
see fit to send out. I spoke to him on the subject when he passed
through Chicago. It will be of no use to make the attempt
unless the positions of the villages are well known. The
greatest care should be taken to keep the Indians from gain-
ing any information on the subject. It will be impossible to
strike these murderers unless the greatest secrecy is main-
tained."

On the 10th of November, 1869, five days before Gen. Sheri-
dan had oflicially notified Gener-al Hancock that he had author-
ity to punish the Piegans, and extended the authority so a^ to
punish the Blackfeet also, that officer, from his headquarters
at St. Paul, communicated to General Be Trobriand his desire
that the latter should ascertain where the " offending Black-
feet are wintering, and if necessary to pay for information,
or to hire guides or scouts for such purpose, you are author-
ized to do so, reporting to these headquarters what action you
have taken." General Hancock adds : " Of course such in-
formation would be more valuable if it does not become a
matter of notoriety that we are seeking it. If we can get at
the Indians during the winter by a quick active march, we
might surprise their camps."

The reader has no doutt noted what General Sully said in
his dispatches of the 3d of August and 27th of September,
1869. He, though an army officer, was for the time being
superintendent of Indian affairs in Montana, and Lieutenant
Pease, another army officer, was the agent of the Blackfeet
Indians. It is not necessary to repeat their statements.

276 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

General De Trobriand was the military commander in Mon-
tana. In a lengthy dispatch sent by him to General Han-
cock, on the 10th of September, he said he had been absent
fourteen days traveling, and at military posts. During this
time he stated that he " saw many diiferent people, had long
talks with most of them, and neglected no opportunity of
getting full and reliable information about the real facta
which gave rise to the excitement in regard to Indian hos-
tilities; what part was to be attributed to exaggerated re-
ports, and what part to interested speculations." He said the
facts were those previously narrated, and no more, viz : " The
attack on two white men, who died of their wounds at Ben-
ton ; the execution of two bad Indians, and the murder of
two other innocent ones at the same place; the attack on one
of the government trains at Eagle creek, between Cook and
Benton ; the murder of Mr. Clark, and the attempted mur-
der of his son, by a party of Piegans, led by Petei', an Indian
brother-in-law of Mr. Clark, the sons of Mountain Chief,
Bear Chief, and others not well known. This, as I men-
tioned previously, is the bloody denouement of a long-stand-
ing family quarrel." The general then recited some horse-
stealing in the direction of the Yellowstone, and expressed
the opinion that the party must have divided, or some other
Indians must have seized the opportunity of depredating,
since at the same time some horses were stolen in another
direction. He then said : " These are the only facts so far, for
I can not include in the Indian hostilities, the highway rob-
bery of the mail and express, twice repeated, for it was done
by white brigands." He further stated that the Blackfeet,
Pend d'Orrilles, Bloods, and even part of the Piegans, re-
mained perfectly quiet, protesting that " they have nothing
to do with the attacks on the persons and property of white
men, that they want no war, but peace, and that they are
ready to come and stay pn whatever reservation may be as-
signed them." These assurances General DeTrobriand said
came to him through the agencies, " and are so far corrobo-
rated by the peaceful attitude of the tribes above named." He
expressed the opinion that the responsibility for the hostilities
and depredations rested exclusively on a band of Piegans and

OUR INDIAN "WARDS. 277

some roving vagabonds of different tribes, " acting on their
own hook, and independently of their own people." From
what follows, it is not improbable that had General De Tro-
briand been enabled to see the band of Piegans referred to,
and heard their story, he might with propriety have excul-
pated them of the guilt of the crimes which he assumes they
committed. He does not, however, consider this statement
as formidable, probably because of the vast amount of all
sorts of crime daily committed by the element among the
whites, spoken of by Generall Sully. General De Trobriand
said, in his indictment against the Indians : " This is not, alto-
gether, very formidable, but was enough to spread terror be-
tween Benton and Helena, and scare the greater part of the
territory, as shown by the rush upon me, from all sides, for
military protection. . . This caused some commotion and
a great deal of talk at Helena. Of course, there was a cry
for more troops, and a corresponding blame upon the govern-
ment for leaving the frontier so unprotected. For it is a
remarkable fact, that when there is no apparent danger, and
no cause for apprehension, people will think there is always
too much of military, while if a handful of redskins appear
upon the bluffs, shaking their buffalo robes, it turns out sud-
denly that there is never enough of it, according to the same
people. In this case I strongly suspect there is some inter-
ested scheme on the part of some parties to magnify the dan-
ger, exaggerate the reports, and through the general excite-
ment to bring the governor, then just arrived, to issue a
proclamation to raise a regiment of mounted volunteers.
This, if successful, would have procured some fat jobs for
somebody or other, at the expense of the government. But
when I broke the subject to Governor Ashley, I found at once
that he had seen through the game, and that no proclamation
would be issued, at least without real necessity. . . There
was another proposition discussed freely, not only at Helena,
but along the road to Benton and to Gallatin valley. This
was simply an authorization asked by certain men to organize
companies to chase and fight the Indians, wherever they might
find them. They asked for no pay, no arms, no equipments,
no horses, but only for whatever captures they could make

278 OUR INDIAN "WARDS.

from the enemy. Thia was, I think, still more dangerous to
the white farmers than to the red Indians, and no douht that
such bands let loose through the territory would soon make
the matters worse than anything else ; therefore, it could not
be entertained. I do n't believe much in the genuineness of
the fear expressed by the people along the road from Helena
to Fort Ellis, through the Missouri, the Crow creek, and the
Gallatin valley. Every -where I saw them attending to their
usual business, traveling with their wives or children, driving
isolated wagons with twelve or fourteen oxen, without arras,
and without any apparent concern about the Indians. Horses
were grazing, as usual, at rather great distances from the
ranches, and I found the wife of a farmer traveling alone, on
foot, with her carpet-hag, from Morse's store to Foster's
bridge. Still, all considered, I am under the impression that
if any serious danger was to be apprehended, it would come
more properly in that, direction, from the Yellowstone river,
where hostile Sioux are roaming, more than anywhere else."
The report of Gen. De Trobriand, from which thgse extracts
are taken, was sent to Gen. Hancock just one month before
the latter wrote to the former to take steps to ascertain where
the Blackfeet Indians were wintering, and it is to be pre-
sumed that its contents were not only known to him, but also
to Gen. Sheridan long before he sent his dispatch to Gen. Han-
cock, touching the punishment of not only the Picgan, but
also the Blackfeet Indians. The letters of Gen. Sully did not
suggest that troops be sent to Montana, to wage war on the
Indians, but to guard against disorder and enable the law to
be executed. Gen. De Trobriand was the military commander
in the territory, and his letter, it does seem, ought to have
dissipated any idea that prevailed in the war department or
in the mind of Gen. Sheridan, or of Gon. Hancock, that there
was any necessity to send troops out to punish the Indians.
But the case had been prejudged. No such thing occupied
the mind of Gen. Sheridan as the sending of troops to Mon-
tana to put down disorder or protect the Indians. A. I he
thought troops necessary for in the territory, was to punish
the Indians, and he had seen Major Baker in advance, and
he was the man to execute his wishes promptly. Gen. Han-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 279

cock was advised in the matter, and that Baker was the man,
and all this before any authority had come from the general
of the army or the war department ; and so impressed was
Gen. Hancock that long before the authority came from
Washington he had written to Gen. De Trohriand to look ont
and learn where the Indians were wintering.

Major Baker proved himself to be as Gen. Sheridan advised
Gen. Hancock he was, the proper man to do the work. Gen.
De Trobriand, the chief military officer in Montana, did not
seem to take to the idea of a campaign against the Indians.
The only one of the Indian bands that those well advised
complained of, was that of Mountain Chief, and he had gone
north and taken up his abode for the winter in the British
Possessions. As Gen. De Trobriand was slow in changing his
views, Gen. Sheridan became impatient, and at once sent his
inspector-general, Hardie, out to Montana, to report to him
the condition of affairs. Of course Gen. Hardie started on his
errand imbued with the feelings of his chief, and therefore
ready to do and perform all that Gen. Sheridan desired. He
made numerous and some of them voluminous reports. Gen^
De Trobriand was passive or sent to the rear. Gen. Sully,
however, had some opinions of his own. Although this use of
troops was avowedly based in the beginning on his September
dispatches, he did not so read them, and, being on the ground
all the time, he had not seen the necessity for troops to punish
the Indians. On January 13, 1870, Gen. ITardie telegraphed
Gen. Sheridan that the question then was, " whether chastise-
ment or capture for hostages should be the principal design.
Practical result of movement a simple one ; if these be, result
would probably be killing and capturing both." This is
somewhat obscure, probably from an omission of some word
or two by the operator. It seems, however, that Gen. Sully
had the opinion that while there was no occasion for war, a
capture of a few Piegan chiefs as hostages might be well
enough. Gen. Hardie explains all this further on in his dis-
patch. He says : " Under all the circumstances, how far should "
the opinion of Gen. Sully, as to the scope of operations, gov-
ern the military ? I think the military commander (Col.
Baker) should be allowed to proceed generally according to

280 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

the circumstances under which he finds himself in his opera-
tions, having in view the fulfillment of promises, etc., and the
best interests of the frontier." Gen. Sheridan was prompt in
his reply. He did not communicate through the military
commander in Montana, which would seem to have been the
regular order, but through his inspector-general, and to Col.
Baker. He said : " If the lives and property of the citizens
of Montana can best be protected by striking Mountain Chiefs
band of Piegan Indians, I want them struck. Tell Baker to
strike them hard." This was on the 16th of January. In
reply, Ilardie said : " I think chastisement necessary. In
this Col. Baker concurs. He knows the general's wishes; he will
move to-day. . . . Col. Baker may be relied on to do
all the general wished." Col. Baker moved on the 19th in
the direction of the Marias river. Without tracing hira on
the march, the following brief extract from his report will
tell what he accomplished :

" "We were obliged to encamp in a ravine on the dry fork of
the Marias till the night of the 22d, when we broke camp and
marched to the Marias river, arriving there on the morning
of the 23d. We succeeded, about eight o'clock, in surprising
the camp of Bear Chief and Red Horn. We killed one hun-
dred and seventy-three Indians, captured over one hundred
women and children, and over three hundred horses. I
ordered Lieut. Doane to remain in this camp, and destroy all
the property, while I marched down the river after the camp
of Mountain Chief, who I understood was camped four miles
below. After marching sixteen miles, I found a camp of
seven lodges that had been abandoned in great haste, leaving
every thing. The lodges were burned the next morning, and
the command started for the Northwest Fur Company's sta-
tion, arriving there on the 25th. I sent for the chiefs
of the Bloods, and had a consultation with them, making
them give up their stolen stock. . , . Too much credit
can not be given to the officers and men of the command for
their conduct during the whole expedition. The result of
expedition is one hundred and seventy-three Indians killed,
and one hundred prisoners, women and children (these were
allowed to go free, as it was ascertained some of them had

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 281

the small-pox), forty-four lodges, with all their supplies and
stores destroyed, and three hundred horses captured. Our
casualties, one man killed, and one man with a broken leg,
from a fall of his horse." On receipt of this report, Gen.
Sheridan thus dispatched Gen. Sherman, on the 29th of Jan-
uary, 1870 :

" In compliance with your permission of November 4, 1869,
io punish the Piegan Indians, who have been robbing and
murdering in Montana, I have the honor to report the com-
plete success of an expedition sent against them under the
command of Colonel E. M. Baker, Second Cavalry, in which
one hundred and seventy-three Indians were killed, forty
lodges destroyed, also a large amount of winter provisions,
and three hundred horses captured, etc. I think this will end
Indian trouble in Montana, and will do away with the necessity
of sending troops there in the spring, as contemplated." On
the 31st of January, by another telegram, Gen. Sheridan sup-
plied an omission in his dispatch of the 29th, thus : " Col.
Baker had to turn loose over one hundred squaws. He had
no transportation to get them in."

Lieut. Pease was the acting agent at the Blackfeet agency,
and these Indians were a part of his charge, not as a military
officer, but as an Indian agent. He made report to Gen. Sully,
superintendent of Indian affairs, on February 6, 1870. He
said:

" I have the honor to state since making my report of Jan-
uary 30, 1870, on the affair between United States soldiers
and Piegan Indians, which took place January 23d, that I
have visited the camp of Big Jake, of the Piegan tribe of
Blackfeet Indians, and have seen and talked with several In-
dians who were in that camp which was attacked by the sol-
diers. I have, from these sources, gained the following addi-
tional information :

" Of the one hundred and seventy-three killed on the 23d,
thirty-three were men ; of these fifteen only were such as are
called by them as young or fighting men ; these were between
the ages of fifteen and thirty-seven ; the remaining eighteen
were between the ages of thirty seven and seventy; eight of
the latter were between the ages of sixty and seventy ; ninety

282 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

were women, thirty-five between the ages of twelve and
thirty-seven, and fifty-five between the ages of thirty-seven
and seventy ; the remaining fifty-five were children, none
older than twelve years, and many of them in their mothers'
arms. Out of two hundred and nineteen belonging to Red
Horn's camp, only forty-six survived, amoug them are nine
young men who escaped during the attack, and five who were
away hunting. The lives of eighteen women and nineteen
children (none of them more than three years of age, and the
majority of them much younger), some of whom were
wounded, were spared by the soldiers. Red Horn himself
was killed. At the time of the attack this camp was sufler-
ing severely with small-pox, having had it among them for
two months."

Gen. Sully, as superintendent of Indian affairs, transmitted
the report of Lieut. Pease, the agent of the Blackfoot agency,
to the commissioner of Indian affairs, at Washington. He
did this in the line of his duty as such superintendent. Vin-
cent Colyer, then the secretary of the board of Indian com-
missioners, had a desk in the Indian office, and had opportu-
nity to examine the reports of Indian superintendeuts and
agents. He saw the report of Lieut. Pease, and, in a letter
to Felix Brunot, the president of the board, gave publicity to
its " sickening details." This was done on the 22d of Febru-
ary, 1870. When the publication met the eye of Gen. Sheri-
dan, it annoyed him much. In his report of the affair to
Gen. Sherman, he had omitted to say one word about the
prisoners taken, or the prevalence of small-pox in the camp,
and gave as the reason why Col. Baker turned the women
and children loose, that he had no transportation to get them
in. Hence, Mr. Colyer's publication annoyed him. On the
28th of February, 1870, he addressed a letter by telegraph to
Gen. Sherman, and in it said: "I see that Mr. Vincent Col-
yer is out again in a sensational letter. Why did he not men-
tion that Col. Baker had captured one hundred women and
children? This, he suppressed, in order to do injustice to
that otBcer, by deceiving the kind-hearted public, and to fur-
ther the ends of the old Indian ring, doubtless, in whose in-
terests he is working." After reciting his stereotyped story

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 283

of Indian barbarities of all kinds, and whicb is alwa^-s brought
forward when the occasion demands it, he proceeds thus : " It
would appear that Mr. Colyer wants this work to go on. I
mention these two eases especially (one where the Indians rav-
ished a woman ' over thirty times successively,' and another
where they ravished a woman ' over forty times'), because
they came under my personal examination, and can give them
as an example of what has occurred to hundreds of others."
It is submitted that Gen. Sheridan is rather extravagant in
this statement of outrages ; but, if true, they were not com-
mitted by the Indians in Montana. The publication of Mr.
Colyer was followed by a general order from Gen. Sheridan's
headquarters, at Chicago, of the date of March 12, 1870, to
the following effect :

" The lieutenant-general commanding this military division
takes great pleasure in announcing to the command the com-
plete success of a detachment of the Second Cavalry and
Thirteenth Infantry, under command of Brevet Colonel Ba-
ker, of the Second Cavalry, against a band of Piegan Indians,
in Montana. These Indians, whose proximity to the British
lines has furnished them an easy and safe protection against
attack, have hitherto murdered and stolen with impunity, in
defiance and contempt of the authority of the government.
After having been repeatedly warned, they have at last re-
ceived a carefully-prepared and well-merited blow. In the
middle of winter, the thermometer below zero, when experi-
ence had led them to believe they could not be attacked, the
blow fell. One hundred and seventy-three Indians were
killed, three hundred horses captured, and the village and
property of the band totally destroyed.

" The lieutenant-general can not commend too highly the
spirit and conduct of the troops and their commander, under
the difficulties and hardships they experienced in the inclem-
ency of the weather; and, as one of the results of this severe
but necessary and well-merited punishment of these Indiana,
he congratulates the citizens of Montana upon the reasona-
ble prospect of future security for their property and lives."

When we call to mind that, in the dispatch to Col. Baker,
through Inspector-General Hardie, Gen. Sheridan told Baker

284 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

to strike Mountain Chief's band, and to strike them hard;
that Mountain Chief's band was not then in the United States,
but in the British Possessions, where they wintered ; that the
band struck was one against whom no complaint had been
made, and at the time was terribly afflicted with the small-pox,
this congratulatory order is a most remarkable document.
That it is the production of the lieutenant-general of our
army is most mortifying.

If the achievement was such a one as to merit the com-
mendation which is bestowed upon it in the general order, a
full recital of the details would add to the fame of Col. Baker
and his troops. If it gave Gen. Sheridan great pleasure to
announce the complete success of the expedition, the troops
in his department and the public would enjoy the good news
more fully if all the facts were given. Col. Baker was re-
served in his report of details ; and Gen. Sheridan suppressed,
in his order, such of them as referred to the small-pox in the
camp, and the Indian women and children being turned loose
on the bleak prairie, without food, but scantily clad, and no
place of refuge within reach. The exhibit made by Mr. Col-
yer not only angered Gen. Sheridan, but it made his superior,
Gen. Sherman, quite indignant. His wrath was, however,
turned against General Sully, and he expressed it thus in a
dispatch to Gen. Sheridan : " Gen. Sully, by communicating
by telegraph the particulars of the fight, for the use of Mr.
Colyer, did an unofficer-like and wrong act, and this in the end
will stand to his discredit." This- is a most remarkable utter-
ance to come from the very head of the army. It is not only
an admission that the deed is of such a nature that it ought
not to be told, but it is a notification that punishment awaits
the officer, who, in the discharge of duty, makes a report in a
case like this that is not agreeable to Gen. Sherman, no mat-
ter how truthful the report may be. It would seem that if it
be a meritorious act to attack and destroy an Indian village,
in which all the indications are that the inhabitants are peace-
tui, IMiig in quiet seclusion and suspecting no danger, sadly
and terribly afflicted with the small-pox, and kill the inmates
without regard to age or sex, those who publish " the particu-
lars of the fight" give fame to those who plan, as well as

OUR INDIAN "WARDS. 285

those who execute the order, and merit commendation instead
of a mark of " discredit." To plan such expeditions and ap-
prove and commend what is done, and yet make it an offense
to publish " the particulars of the fight," is to subject officers
engaged in sucb affairs to po pular prggu dice. Should the peo-
ple become impressed with the idea that the higher officers
of the army regard it as an offense to publish the' truthful de-
tails of military operations, their usefulness is at an end, and
the future of that arm of the service is put in jeopardy. In
Gen. Sully's case, the curious inquirer will find, on investi-
gation, that the displeasure of the general of the army did
rest upon him. Even Lieut. Pease suffered indignity and was
insulted by his superiors because he made the report of the
affair on the Marias river, though all he stated was conscien-
tiously done, and from the best information he could obtain.
There is no doubt but his report was substantially true.

Annoyed by what was termed unfriendly criticism, on the
12th of March, Gen. Sherman wrote to Gen. Sheridan, and in
his communication said: "I think Col. Baker should have
reported more exactly the number, sex, and kind of Indians
killed ; and in view of the severe strictures in Congress on
this act, as one of horrible cruelty to women and children, I
wish you would require, by telegraph, Col. Baker to report
specifically on this point." ' ^

On March 18, Gen. Sheridan advised Gen. Sherman that
the further report of Col. Baker had not yet been received.
His dispatch is lengthy, entering quite fully into his views of
his duty and obligation to protect the settlers in the territo-
ries, and assumes that he has " nothing to do with the In-
dians but in this connection." Indeed it would appear that,
in his view, such outlaws as Gen. DeTrobriand spoke of as in-
festing Montana were to be upheld by the troops. He said
he had no hesitation in making his choice, and that he would
stand by the people over whom he was p laced, and give them
what protection he could. In taking the offensive, he said:
" I have to select the~season when I can catch the fiends; and
if a village is attacked, and women and children killed, the
responsibility is not with the soldier, but with the people
whose crimes necessitate the attack." This view is indefensi-

286 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

ble, and is condemned by all the laws of war. And then the
great mistake, even crime, in Gen. Sheridan's administration,
is that he accepts the stories of the most disorderly brigands
that infest the territories as cheerfully, even more so, than the
statements of the most trustworthy citizens. He does not
attempt to verity them at all ; and when a military expedition
is put in the field to chastise Indians, no care is taken to
know whether an offense or depredation has been committed,
or, if committed, who are the gui Ity parties. When troops
are out, the unalterable rule i,s, where an Indian trail is
struck, to follow it, and if the Indians are overtaken, no
inquiry is made as to the ir g uilt, but they are punished. The
same course is pursued wherever an Indian village is found.
It is destroyed, and its inmates killed without 'hesitation.
After the affair is over, and the usual congratulatory procla-
mation is issued. Gen. Sheridan commences tQ get up evide nce
to prove hostility. In this department he has marvelous re-
sources. In the case in hand his dexterity is noticeable. lie
directed Col. Baker to strike the band of~Mountain Chief.
That oflScer, in view of the license that prevailed in the de-
partment, struck the first Indians hfe came upon, and reported
that it was the camp of Bear_Chief and lied Horn, and yet
Gen. Sheridan, with a full knowledge of tEe Indians struck
by Col. Baker, is sufficiently adroit to present the affair in
such form to Gen. Sherman that the latter, on the 28th of
March, filed the second report of Col. Baker, of March 23d,
with the secretary of war, with this indorsement : " This
copy of the report of Col. Baker of 'the killed and captured
in his attack on Mountain Chief's Piegan camp is submitted
to the secretary of war, with the remark that the officers en-
gaged in that expedition desire a thorough investigation, if
you deem the good of the service requires it." On the same
day, he wrote to Gen. Sheridan that he had shown the dis-
patches of that officer, including the second report of Col.
Baker, to the secretary of war and the president, and also
filed copies of the same with the secretary of the interior. In
his letter he said to Gen. Sheridan : " You may assure Col.
Baker that no amount of clamor has shaken our confidence
in hira and his officers, and that if any responsible parties will

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 287

father the reports that have been so extensively published,
we will give them the benefit of an official investigation."
A few days preceding, on the 24th of the month, being an-
noyed by " the particulars of the fight," he said, in a letter to
Gen. Sheridan : " It is of course to be deplored that some of
our people prefer to believe the story of the Piegan massacre
as trumped up by interested parties at Benton, more than a
hundred miles off", rather than the official report of Col. Baker,
who was on the spot, and is the responsible party. I prefer
to believe that tbe majority killed at Mountain Chief's camp
were warriors ; that the firing ceased the moment resistance
was at an end ; that quarter was given to all who asked for
it; and that a hundred women and children were allowed to
go free, to join the other bands of the same tribe, known to
be camped near by, ratber than the absurd report that there
were only thirteen warriors killed, and that all the balance
were women and children, more or less afflicted with small-
pox." These "particulars of the fight" which Gren. Sherman
has here blocked out, and which he prefers to believe, are the
creation of his imagination. Talk about the majority killed
being warriors is simply ridiculous ; or that quarter was given
to all who asked for it, when it is apparent that no resistance
was made, is simply to insult the intelligence of every reader ;
to say that the Indian women were allowed to go free to join
the other bands known to be camped near by, when Col.
Baker said he found only one camp, and that deserted, and
the lodges destroyed by him, is, when we call to mind the fact
that these helpless people were turned adrift on the bleak
pi'airies, in the middle of winter, without food or shelter, and
afflicted with the small-pox, to ignore the truth and smother
every impulse of humanity. These unfeeling utterances of
the general of the army will stand side by side with that other
cruel sentiment of his, uttered in 1866, in these words : " "We
must act with vindictive earnestness against the Sioux, even
to their extermination, men, women, and children. Ifothing
less will reach the root of the case."

As to tbe investigation of the affiiir on the Marias, which
General Sherman intimated might take place, if any one would
father the stories which were published, no one can doubt that

288 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

Colonel Baker had nothing to fear, since General Sherman had
already prejudged the case, and any court organized by him
would be of such material as he should select, and entertaining
Ms views of the conduct of Colonel Baker.' It is strange, how-
ever, that Congress did not order an investigation. ' J / .

The second report of Colonel Baker was made on the 2.3d
of March. It is as follows : " In answer to your telegram,
received on the 22d instant, I report that after having made
every effort to get the judgment of the officers of the command,.
I am satisfied that the following- numbers approximate as
nearly to the exact truth as any estimate can possibly be made ;
that the number killed was one hundred and seventy-three.
Of these there^were one hundred and twenty able men, fifty-
three women and children ; that of captives (aftetward re-
leased) there were, of women and children, one hundred and
forty.

" I believe that every effort was made by officers and men to
save the non-combatants, and that such women and children
as were killed, were killed accidentally. The reports published
in the eastern papers, purporting to come from General Alfred
Sully, are wholly and maliciously false, and if he has author-
ized them, he knew them to be false ; if he has given authority
to these slanders, I can only suppose that it is that attention
may be drawn from the manifest irregularities and inefficiency
that mark the conduct of Indian affairs under his direction in
this territory. It seems incredible that the false assertion of
two officers, General Sully and Lieutenant Pease, neither ot
whom have made any effort to inform themselves in the mat-
ter, should outweigh the reports of those who were engaged in
the fight, and who feel that they have nothing to palliate or
concede. All the officers of this command ask at the hands of
the authorities is a full and complete investigation of the cam-
paign, and less than this can not, in justice, be conceded to
them."

In his first report Colonel Baker said that he killed one
hundred and seventy-three Indians ; that he had over one hun-
dred prisoners, women and children, and these he allowed to
go free, as it was found they had the small-pox among them.
His first report clearly left the impression that the killed were-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 289

all males, who were in the combat. In his second report he
admits that fifty-three of the killed were women and children,
and that his captives afterward released amounted to one hun-
dred and forty, all women and children. He destroyed forty-
four lodges, of these seven were sixteen miles away, and were
deserted. Hence, none of his killed or prisoners are to be
ci'edited to the abandoned camp. The camp of Bear Chief and
Red Horn consisted of thirty-seven lodges. One hundred and
seventy-three killed, and one hundred and forty captives, gives
to the thirty-seven lodges a population of three hundred and
thirteen inhabitants. The usual number of persons to a lodge
is generally estimated at six, of all ages and both sexes. This
would give to the thirty-seven lodges two hundred and twenty-
two souls, instead of three hundred and thirteen. Of fighting
men the lodge has usually but one, and this to thirty-seven
lodges would give thirty-seven, whereas Colonel "Baker's one-
hundred and twenty able men gives more than three fighting
men to a lodge. Lieutenant Pease, in his report, states the
whole number in the camp to be two hundred and nineteen.
Of this number he says five were away hunting, leaving two
hundred and fourteen at home when the attack was made.
His whole number approximates very nearly to six to each
lodge. Lieutenant Pease says that including the nine that es-
caped, only forty-six survived. He states that eighteen women
and nineteen children were spared, and these, with the nine
that escaped, makes the number forty-six, as stated by him.
His death list is placed at thirty-seven men, ninety women, and
fifty children. This makes one hundred and seventy-seven,
only four more than the death list of Colonel Baker, though
diflerently classified. It is not seen how any intelligent person
seeking the truth can reject the report of Lieutenant Pease
and accept that of Colonel Baker. The former had no motive
to exaggerate. He made his report in the line of his duty,
and by direction of General Sully, who was induced to call foi
it because of the conflicting reports that reached him. Lieu
tenant Pease relied much on Big Jake, a chief who was resid-
ing on the Marias river atthe time. If a reliable Indian, there
can be no doubt of the general accuracy of the report, and the
19

290 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

classification of inniateB of the camp, and the number killed,
and the number that was spared. Lieutenant Pease also had
conversation with the young men who escaped. They knew
the number of the inmates when the camp was attacked, and
the whole number is so consistent with the population of In-
dian lodges that this of itself goes far to confirm belief in the
accuracy of the report of Lieutenant Pease. The lieutenant
is known to be a careful and reliable man.

The manner in which Col. Baker refers to Gen. Sully and
Lieut. Pease, in the report of March 23, evidences a remark-
able degree of insubordination. Although these officers were,
for the time being, detached from the military service, they
were yet officers, and one the superior of Col. Baker, who
had no hesitation in charging them with, making false state-
ments, and Gen. Sully with inefficiency and irregularity. Such
charges, couched in such language, appear to be not only ac-
ceptable, but gratifying, to both the lieutenant-general and.,
the general of our army. And yet the breach of order and
discipline are so manifest that Gen. Sherman, who is but too
ready to make an abstract of the second report of Col. Baker
for the press, suppresses the names of Sully and Pease, leav-
ing the rude language in it to be applied generally to such as
had commented on Baker's attack on the Piegan camp. He
wrote to Gen. Sheridan, on the 28th of March, acknowledg-
ing the receipt of Col. Baker's report of the 23d, and said :
" An abstract will be given the press, omitting the names of
Sully and Pease."

On the 6th of March, 1870, while this Piegan massacre was
attracting the attention of Congress and the country, the
secretary of the interior addressed a communication to the
president, touching the condition of our Indian affairs, in
which he said that, from our extreme northern boundary to
the Mexican frontier, complaints were received from all the
Indian tribes, of what they declare to be a lack of faith on
our part, in carrying out the stipulations of our treaties,
made with them, and redeeming the promises, which, they
allege, induced them to consent to the construction of rail-
roads through their country. He referred to organized bands
of whites, in Wyoming and Colorado, etc., who were pre-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 291

pared to move on the Indian reservations, to prospect for
gold, etc. ; that such contend that the treaties are not bind-
ing, and that they intend to go strong enough to take care
of themselves. He also referred to an outrage that had but
recently occurred in Kansas, where the Osa^ Indians, on
returning home from their winter hunt, found their reserva-
tion, not only invaded by whites, but the material of their
dwellings carried away, villages destroyed, and their farms,
cabins, and stock taken possession of by the " squatters."
In relation to Indian affairs in Montana, the secretary said :

" During the summer, frequent complaints were made of
thefts of horses and cattle, by different tribes, in Montana.
These thefts were believed to be generally perpetrated by
some of the younger and more reckless of the Indians, who
broke away from the restraints of their chiefs knd head men,
on the pretext that, as the United States was not performing
its promises to them, they were absolved from the obligation
to respect property. "We have every reason to believe that a
scrupulous observance of our engagements with the Indians
of the upper valley of the Missouri, during the past two years,
would have enabled us to sustain the peaceful chiefs in their
authority, so that thefts would have either been prevented, or
punished without private revenge, and the source of all the
troubles have been thus dried up. The thefts led to private re-
taliation by the whites, either as punishment for the crimes,
or in the effort to recapture property. Lives were taken on
both sides, but the most experienced agents and officers are
of the opinion that more than fi ve Indian lives w ere taken
for every whiteman 3hat_ waa_jiuifdered, during the season.
The disturbances^finally led the Indian superintendent to call
for additional military force to protect the settlers. It was
thought irupracti cable to do this with the few troops which
could ^be spared from permanent stations or garrisons, and the
expedition recently made against the Piegans was chosen by
the military commander as a more effective way of correcting
the evil. I do not propose to Criticise the course or the judg-
ment of either the general' or the lieutenant-general of the
army, in this matter. . '. . I have purposely refrained
from any judgment, even upon the manner in which the work

292 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

was done by the subordinate commander of the expedition, ^ *
until further reports shall be received. I hold it, however, to
be as much due to the officers of the army as to myself, to
express the opinion, in which I believe they will concur, that
it does not become a civilized nation, even to consider the pro-
priety of adoptinsj the mode of warfare, or imitating the hor-
rible barbarities of savage tribes. I am entirely sure that if
it shall fully appear that there has been a wanton butchery
of unresisting women and children, the condemnation of such
cruelty will be as prompt on the part of the superior officers
of the army as it would be from ourselves. It is right, also,
to say, that the statement of Mr. Vincent Colyer, secretary
of the Indian commission, to Mr. Brunot, its chairman, was
a simple transcript from the official information at that time
received by the Indian office, without exaggeration or dimi-
nution. That commission I look upon as being the official
advocate of the Indian before the nation, and as it speaks for
those who have neither newspaper to show their side of the
questions arising, nor representatives in Congress to protect
their interests, or tell their story, I think we should as care-
fully preserve the rights of the commission to speak, as we
would the right of a criminal to appear by his counsel in a
court of justice. The integrity and entire disinterestedness
of the commission are beyond all possible question." -^

The foregoing sentiments attest the justness and humanity
of the secretary of the interior. On one point, however, he
was in error, and in anoth'er sadly mistaken. He erred in
supposing that Gen. Sully's only object in suggesting more
troops for the territory, was to protect the settlers. General
Sully's suggestion was not to the war, but^tOThe interior de-
partment ; not as a general iu active service, but as superin-
tendent of Indian affairs. He referred to the prevailing
disorder in the territory ; the incursions made by Lidians
not residents of it; to the "rowdy and lawless white ele-
ment; the traffic in whisky, and the altercations between
whites and Indians gi'owing out of its use; the impo-
tence of the civil authorities; and that, in his opinion,
nothing could insure peace and order, until there was sufficient
military force to support the civil authorities, and " strong

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 293

•enougli to clean out the roughs and whisky-sellers." "While
the dispatches of Gen. Sully were specific enough, they were
pervei;tedJ}y^_G;en^_Sheridan, and read to mean that troops
were necessary to make war on the Indians. His plans, for
that purpose, were approved by Gen. Sherman, and the wwr
office imbued with them, and hence the erroneous impression
of the secretary of the interior, that troops were called for to
protect the settlers. In assuming that the higher officers of
the army would condemn Col. Baker, if it should appear that
he had killed unresisting women and children, the secretary
of the interior was sadly mistaken. The attack on this Piegan
camp, and the slaughter of its inmates in a barbarous manner,
is a well established fact, and yet there has not at any time
appeared any indication of displeasure on the part of the su-
perior officers of the army — and there will not be any mani-
festation of this kind. On the contrary, all that Col. Baker
did, has been approved by them, and the approval placed upon
record. The truth is, that the general and lieutenant-general
habitually instil into the minds of all subordinate command-
ers, that, in Indian warfare, they should be brutal, even ex-
celling the Indians in barbarity ; and no case has occurred,
in all the conflicts between the troops and the Indians, since
they have held the high positions now occupied by them, in
which they have found any thing to condemn. In many of
these conflicts, our troops have excelled the barbarities of
savage tribes, and in such the commendation, by public proc-
lamation, has been complimentary, full, and hearty.

294 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

CHAPTER XV.

The Sioux war op 1876. — How brought about. — Sitting Bull and his fol-
lowers TURNED over TO THE ARMY FEBRUARY 1, 1876. — SiTTINO BdLL's

TiEws. — Seizure of the arms and ponies of the Indians at Red Cloud,
Standing Rock, and Cheyenne river agencies. — Military coekespond-

ENOE and comments THEBEON.

In referring to the war waged against the Sioux Indians in,
1876, the commissioners appointed to negotiate for tlie sur-
render of the Black Hills and the unceded Indian country,"
defined in the treaty of 1868, said in their report to the presi-
dent, made on the 18th of December, 1876, that "it was dis-'
honorable to the nation, and disgraceful to those who origi-
nated it." This commission was created in pursuance of an
act of Congress, passed August 15, 1876. The reasons which
led its members to express so forcibly this opinion were not
embodied in the report. Some of them will be given in this
chapter.

It will be remembered that by the treaty of 1868, with the
Sioux, the country lying between the norther;n boundary of
the State of ISTebraska, and the forty^sixth ' parallel of north
latitude, bounded on the east by the Missouri river and west
by the one hundred and fourth degree of west longitude, to-
gether with the reservations then existing on the east side of
the Missouri, was set apart for the absolute and undisturbed
use and occupation of the Sioux, for their permanent home.
" The United States (to quote the language of the treaty)
solemnly agrees that no person except those herein desig-
nated and authorized so to do, and except such officers,
agents, and employes of the government as may be author-
ized to enter upon Indian reservations in discharge of duties
enjoined by law, shall be permitted to pass over, settle upon,
or reside in the same." The treaty also provides " that the
country north of the !N"orth Platte and east of the summit of
the Big Horn mountains, shall be held and considered un-
ceded Indian territory, and (the United States) also stipulates-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 295

and agrees that no white person or persons shall be permitted
to settle upon or occupy any portion of the same, or without
the consent of the Indians first had and obtained, to pass
through the same." In consideration of these and other
covenants the Indians agree " to relinquish all right perma-
nently to occupy the territory outside of their reservation as
defined in the treaty, hut yet reserve the right to hunt on any
land north of the North Platte, and on the Kepublican fork
of the Smoky Hill river, so long as the buffalo may range
thereon in such numbers as tp justify the chase." By the
treaty a distinction was made in the annual annuities, be-
tween those who settled on the reservation and became
farmers, and those who elected to lead the life of nomads,
and continued to roam and hunt; and such as did roam and
hunt were, for thirty years, to receive a specific money an-
nuity, less in amount per head than the like annuity to the
farmers. The latter, when they became settled were, each
head of the family, to receive an American cow, and one
good well broken pair of American oxen. The former did
not receive those. Whether well or ill-advised, the treaty
seemed to leave it to the discretion of the Indian whether
he should elect to be a farmer or a nomad. Owing to
the barrenness of the land within the reservation, and
drought, and the blight of the grasshopper, so long as game
abounded, many of these wild horsemen naturally followed
the chase.

The treaty of 1868 was not the production of the Sioux. It
was prepared by the commission, on which were Generals
Sherman, Harney, Terry, and Augur. The commission
pledged the faith of the United States, and their honor as
men, to the faithful fulfillment of its stipulations. In less
than three months after the treafc L.was r atified and pro-
claimed„and thus became the law of the land. Gen. Sheridan,
by order of Gen. Sherman, issued a military order on June
29, 1869, in thes^words : " All Indians, when on their proper
rfegervaEiohiPare under the exclusive control and jurisdiction
of their agents ; they will not be interfered with in any man-
ner by the military authority, except upon requisition of the
special agent resident with them, his superintendent, or the

296 OUR INDIAN 'wards.

bureau of Indian affairs, at Washington. Outside the well
defined limits of their reservations, they are under the origi-
nal and exclusive jurisdiction of the military authority, and
as a rule will he considered hostile."

By the act creating the interior department all power and
^ authority in relation to Indian affairs, which was then exer-
<^ cised by the secretary of war, was vested in the secretary of
the interior. Hence it is not seen how, when this order was
issued, the military authority could claim sucb jurisdiction
over Indians outside of their reservations, as it asserts; and it
may safely be stated that there was no law to support this
claim. Moreover, if the claim were supported by existing
law, the Sioux, by virtue of the stipulation in the treaty of
1868, would be protected from the operSition of the order,
since the right to roam and hunt in the unceded Indian
country was guaranteed in the treaty. This unlawful order
was, however, inexorably executed until December, 1876. Of
course the Indians did not and could not understand why
they should from time to time be hunted down and punished
for exercising this right, especially as Congress, even as late
as August 15, 1876, appropriated the seventh of thirty in-
stallments to be used in paying Indians. who roamed and
hunted,TJieir annuity. To punish them for doing so was a
grave violation of* the provisions of the treaty.

While the Sioux were punished for exercising this right,
the whites in small, as well as large bodies, passed through
and prospected in the forbidden territory. The military did
not check these incursions. They were not only permitted
by it, but protected. Among the expeditions were parties
engaged " in the interests of science." These went out from
time to time to explore the Black Hills, and other portions of
the reservation, and were actually^ccompanied by military
escorts and protection. The Indians protested, but without
avail. The most formidable of these expeditions was fitted
out in the year 1874, and left St. Paul about the last of June.
It was destined to a thorough exploration of the Black Hills,
and was in charge of_Oeneral _Cusjer. Nothing was said in
Congress about it ; no appropriation made for it, and it was
in wanton and flagrant violation of the provisions of the

OUR iJfDIAN -WARDS, 297

treaty. General Custer even made application for, and ob-
tained from the S antee ^agency, about thirty young men of the
Santee band of Sioux, to act as scouts. TEeselndians were
surprised when tlbecalPwas~~ffiaae upon them. They hesi-
tated and expressed regret, but yet obeyed the summons.
This expedition incensed the Sioux exceedingly. On its re-
turn it was pronounced a successful rej^Qnn^issaJace, and the
people were told that there wa^,goldi»J;he BlaekHiJ^s, and
the country much better thaniiitherto supposed ; that tlmBer"
was plenty, and that water and grass were abundant. The
covetous eyes of the white man "were thuls turned to these
hills, and parties began to organize to go into them. The
first intruders, who started with the avow,ed purpose of
locating and mining, were driven back, but the idea of occu-
pying the forbidden land was not abandoned. Expeditions
were also fitted out to explore arid occupy the unceded Indian
country. It was also determined" to change the line of the
Northern Pacific Kailroad, which at the date- of the treaty
was located, and while it crossed the Missouri below the"
mouth of the Yellowstone, did not ascend that stream a great
distance until it was crossed, and thence westward the line
was on the north side of the Yellowstone It was decided to
change this line to the south, and ascend on that side. To
the nomad Sioux, who roamed and hunted, this change was
very objectionable. All these things combined disturbed the
Indians, and made them uneasy. Depredations were com-
mitted on the Indians, and they retaliated. Stock was taken
from and by them. Both Indians and whites were Ikilled.
The surveying parties, who attempted to run the new line of
the railroad, were driven off. By 1875, many trespassers w^e
lodged in the Black' Hills, and early in 1876, the number ^tcS'
greatly increased. In 1875, there was a commission sent to
Red Cloud agency to examine charges preferred by Professor
Marsh against the agent. Gov. Fletcher, of Missouri, was
chairman of this commission. Among the witnesses exam-
ined by it were Red Cloud, Sitting Bull oftheOgallalhis, Little
Wound, and other Indians. In the midst of the questions put
to, and answered by Red Cloud, on August 10, 1875, the chief
interjected the Black Hills, thus : " Now, as to those Black

298 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Hills. Our Great Father has got a great many soldiers, and I
never knew him, when he wanted to stop any thing with his
soldiers, but he succeeded in it. The reason I tell you this, is
that the people from the states who have gone to the Black
Hills, are stealing our gold, digging it out, and taking it away,
and I do n't see why the Great Father do n't bring them back."
To this, the chairman replied : " The Great Father has ordered
these people away from there in five days from now, and if
they do not go, he will bring them out with his soldiers."

The next day Sitting Bull, of the Ogallallas, said : " You
told me yesterday that the troops would take all the white
people away from the Black Hills by the 15th of August, and
the young men were all very glad to know that these miners
were to be out of the Black Hills before the northern Indians
came down to the grand council." (He alluded to a council
which was to assemble in September, to treat for the Black ^
Hills.) In reply to Sitting Bull, the chairman said : " We
saw Gen. Crook, and he said he had orders from the president
to get these miners all out by the 15th of this month, and the
miners have all agreed to go by that time."

A month previous to this time Gov. Thayer, of Wyoming,
had the coolness to visit Washington to obtain an order for
troops to be used in protecting the miners then in the Black
Hills, as well as parties on their way there; and in a confer-
ence with the president and Gen. Sherman, the president said
that the parties in the Black Hills, as well as those going,
were acting unlawfully, and ought to be notified of the fact.
Hence Gen. Crook's instructions. Gen. Crook did visit the
hills, and after a manner advised the miners to go out, first
allowing them time to mark oflF their " claims," so that they
could, on their return, jjossess them again. It was well un-
derstood, however, that Gen. Crook'T'sympathies were with
these lawless characters. A few left the hills in good faith ;
many' that feigned to go, soon returned, and a number pur-
sued their mining as though no notice had been given them.
In his annual report, made only one month after the time
fixed, according to Gov. Fletcher, for the miners to leave,
Gen. Ci-ook disclosed very fully his feetings. He said,:

"I visited the mining region in July, and, after seemg

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 299

many of the miners in their camps, gave them sufficient time
to secure their claims against future loss, in case they were
eventually allowed to return. They agreed to vacate the
country, an agreement I have reason to believe they have ob-
served. In connection with this matter, and having, as I con-
ceive, an important bearing upon it, I would mention the fact
that, since I came to the department, there have been over
four hundred horses stolen by Indians from settlers along the
line of the railroad, which, have been trailed on the Sioux
reservation. To have followed them with sufficient force to
have recaptured the stock, would undoubtedly have resulted
in a general war with the Sioux nation ; so this stock has
never been recovered, but is still in the hands of these Indians,
a fact well known not only to the parties who lost it, but to
people generally throughout the country.
-* "IsTow, when I visited the Black Hills country, and con-
versed with the miners in regard to vacating, and reminded
them that they were violating a treaty stipulation, it was but
natural that they should\ reply that the Indians themselves
violated the treaty hundreds of times every summer by preda-
tory incursions, whereby many settlers were utterly ruined^
and their families left without mean@_of subsistence ; and this
by Indians who are fed, clothed, and maintained in utter idle-
ness by the governm^ntj^hey (the settlers) help to support. I
respectfully submit that their side o_f the story should be
heard, as the settlers who develop our mines and open the
frontier to civilization are the nation's wards no less than
their more fortunate fellows, the~Tndianr. In any event, un-
less some arrangement can be made this winter, by which the
Indians will be satisfied to cede the mining region, my im-
pression is that serious trouble will ensue when the miners
attempt to return, as I believe they will by early spring."

It is doubtless true that some of the settlers lost some stock
during the year 1875. They would probably have lost some,
had there been no Indians in that region. The Indians also
lost stock, but it does not seem^clear that, if Gen. Crook's
statement that four hundredliead of stock were stolen was
true, the fact should~be put in as an offset to the unlawful oc-
cupation of the Black Hills,'Tiot By the settlers along the line

300 OUR INDIAN WABDS.

of the railroad, but by adventurers who did not reside in the
country. Moreover, it is strange if the Sioux had stolen four
hundred head of stock from the settlers, tliat no claim was
ever filed against the Indians for compensation. In a country
where sharp lawyers abound, it is remarkable that the settlers,
if they had claims for such depredations upon them, had not
filed and prosecuted them, when the treaty provided a full
remedy for such cases, and compensation to the injured par-
ties, out of the annuities or other moneys due the Indians.
The Sioux commission of 1876, in all their journey among
the Sioux, did not hear, from any source or from any person,
one word about four hundred horses, or even one horse, being
stolen in the preceding year. If any such story had currency
at any time, it was no doubt a fabrication ; but it was just the
kind of news that Gen. Crook was in search of, since his de-
sire appeai'ed to be not to purge the Black Hills of intruders,
but to precipitate such a state of things as to compel the
Sioux to surrender them.

The instructions to Gen. Crook, in relation to driving the
miners out of the Black Hills, have not been published. It
is presumed that he was instructed to remove all persons who
were there in violation of the Sioux treaty. Section 2118 of
the revised statutes clothed the president with all power and
authority necessary to remove such persons by military force,
and any order that did not, in a case like the one in question,
require their removal would be a vain thing. Under the
same section, each party who made a claim in the Black HiUs
was liable to a penalty of one thousand dollars, in addition
to being removed. But Gen. Crook seems to have considered
the important duty confided to him, in this case, as properly
discharged when he gave the intruders sufficient time to se-
cure their claims against loss, and they agreed to vacate the
country temporarily. Here is, no doubt, a fair sample of the
manner in which military officers of high standing discharge
imjiortant duties confided to them in the tii^an country, in
which the interests of the Indians are involved, land hence it
would seem to be. time to demand a refornlation in the mili-
tary service in the Indian country, if nofaTTiotai disuse of it.
A slight effort — a very slight one — in the right direction, at

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 301,

■ : ^

that time, made in good faith, would have rid the Sioux res-
ervation of all those who were unlawfully in it, as well as all
who were intruders in the uneeded Indian country. But the
sympathy of not only General Crook, but of Gen. Sheridan,
was on the side of the outlaws then in the Siou'x reservation
and uneeded country. The latter was at all times ready to
stand by those intruding on the rights of the Indians. As
early as March, 1870, he had said officially : " I have no hesi-
tation in making my choice. . . . My duty is to protect
the people ; I have nothing to do with Indians, but in this
connection." Such was his frame ofjnind at that time that
he regarded all Indians as "fiends," to be killed, and every
lawless intruder was by him esteemed " a pioneer of the
frontier."

In less than two months after the annual report of General
Crook was made, E. C. Watkins, United States Indian -in-
spector, submitted, on ISTdveinber 9, 1875, a) communication to
the commissi oner^f Indian 'affau-s, in relation to "the condi-
tion of certain- wild and hostilfe bands of Sioux Indians in
Dakota and Montana, that came under his observation during
a recent tour through their country," and what he thought
should be the policy of the government toward them. He
referred (he said) to Sitting -Bull's, band and other bands of
the Sioux nation, under chiefs or head men of less note, " but
no less untamable and hostile." He did not name them, but
spoke of their roaming " over western Dakota and eastern
Montana, including the rich valleys of the Yellowstone and
Powder rivers," and making war on the Arickarees, Mandans,
Gros Ventres, and others ,who were Friendly. He said :'

" Their country is probably the best hunting ground in the
United States, a 'paradise' for Indians, aftbrding game in
such variety and abundance that the need of government sup-
plies is not felt. Perhaps for this reason they have never ac-
cepted aid or been brought under control. They openly set
at defiance all law and authority, and boast that the United
States authorities are not strong enough to conquer them.
The United States troops are held in contempt, and sur-
rounded by their native mountains, relying on their knowl-
edge of the country and powerful endurance, they laugh at

302 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

the futile efforts that have thus far been made to subjugate
them, and scorn the idea of white civilization. They are lofty
and independent in their attitude and language toward the
government officials, as well as the whites generally, and claim
to be the sovereign rulers of the land. They say they own the
wood, the water, the ground, the air, and that white men live
in or pass through their country but by their sufferance.
They are rich in horses and robes, and are thoroughly armed.
Nearly every warrior carries a breech loading gun, a pistol,
a bow, and quiver of arrows."

The inspector said that these wild Indians are but as a drop
in the bucket compared with the great body of the Sioux
who he admitted had accepted the peace policy, and were
keeping the covenants of their treaty. He said the wild In-
dians " number, all told, but a few hundred warriors, and are
never all together, or under the control of one chief." He sug-
gested that one thousand men " under the command of an ex-
perienced officer, sent into the country inthe winter, when the
Indians are nearly always in camp, and most helpless, would
be amply sufficient for their capture and punishment." He
said they were the dread of the frontier settler, the luckless
white hunter and emigrant, and fortunate was the man "who
meets them, if, after losing all his worldly possessions, he
escapes with his scalp." As the inspector did not state that/
he had lost any of his worldly possessions, and as he appeared!
at Washington with his scalp in its place and secure, it is pre- \
sumed he was not in the ' paradise ' of these wild Indians, but ^i
it is known that he had journeyed through Montana, where \
the general sentiment then was and had for years been in
favor of wresting the unceded Indian country and the Black
Hills from the Sioux, and he, no doubt, heard terrible stories
about Sitting Bull and the other unnamed ' head men ' who
inhabited the valleys of the Yellowstone and Powder rivers,
from multitudes of voices, who were anxious for an Indian
war, the result of which, in addition to the profits made there-
from, would in some way result in opening the Sioux country
to the lawful occupation of the whites.

There was a remarkable coincidence occurred at this time.
Generals Sheridan and Crook both happened to bfe at Wash-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 303

ington when Inspector Watkins was there. It is not improb-
able that these gentlemen and the Indian inspector talked
about Sitting Bull and other contumacious Indians on his
route, and he would naturally have confidence in the judg-
ment of military gentlemen of such large experience as they
were, in relation to Indian aftairs. It was known that the
suggestion of a winter campaign against " hostile " Indians
was claimed as an original idea by Gren. Sheridan, as early as
September, 1868, and he believed that he had or ought to have
it patented as his own, and the feasibility and efficacy of such
a campaign would be likely to strike the inspector at once.
Ifot having familiarized himself with the details of the treaty
of 1868, the inspector was not aware that these " wild and
hostile bands of Sioux" had the right guaranteed to them
by its terms to roam and hunt in the valleys where they then
were, and in all other parts of the unceded Indian country,
as long as game abounded, and hence was forciblystruck with
the idea that in the extravagance of their claims and alleged
contempt for our troops, tliey were contumacious, and ought
to be punished. In this frame of mind. Inspector Watkins
was the very gentleman these military officers would be grat-
ified to meet. They had already determined that military
operations were necessary, and the coming winter the appro-
priate time ; still it was important to commit the interior de-
partment to the measure. Being convinced that the Indians
should be punished, and that the proper time to do it was in
the winter, Inspector "Watkins said :

" The true policy, in my judgment, is to send troops against
them in the winter, the sooner the better, and whip them into
subjection. They richly merit punishment for their in-
cessant warfare on friendly Indian tribes, their continuous
thieving, and their numerous murders of white settlers, or
white men wherever found unarmed. . . . The govern^
raeut owes it to these friendly tribes in fulfillment of treaty
stipulations; it owes it to the agents and employes whom
it has sent to labor among the Indians at remote and inac-
cessible places beyond the reach of aid in time to save ; it
owes it to the frontier settlers, who have, with their families,
braved the dangers and hardships incident to pioneer life ;

304 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

it owes it to civilization, and the common cause of human-
ity." The reasons given by the inspector, though numerous,
are stated with great brevity as well as force, inspired, as he-
no doubt was, by a comparison of opinions with these mili-
tary gentlemen. The local Indian agents dispersed on the
Upper Missouri and in Montana did not seem to be aware of
the condition of things as stated by the inspector. Their an-
nual reports, made that fall, have nothing of the sort in
tliem, and from an examination of these it is difficult to es-
cape the conclusion that much that the inspector said was fic-
tion.

After deliberating three weeks on the subject-matter con-
tained in the report of the inspector, the commissioner oi In-
dian affairs, on the 27th of ITovember, 1875, submitted the
same to the secretary of the interior, with the recommenda-
tion that it be referred to the secretary of war, " for consid-
eration, and such action as may be deemed best by Lieutenant-
, General Sheridan, who is personally conversant with the situation
^ on the Upper Missouri, and loith the relation of Sitting Bull to
^ the other Sioux tribes." The secretary of the infjerior, on the
\y ^9th November, 1875, transmitted the note of the commis-
sioner of Indian affairs, with Inspector Watkins' report, to
the secretary of war, for his consideration and action, but ex-
pressed no opinion whatever on the subject. On the 3d of
December, 1875, the secretary of the interior wrote to the sec-
retary of wai', in reference to " the hostile Sioux residing out-
side of their reservations and remote from any agency," and
informed that officer that he had directed the commissioner
of Indian affairs to notify said Indians they must remove to
a reservation on or before the Jlst^of January following ;.
that if they neglect or refuse to remove, they will be reported
to the war department as hostile Indians, and that a military
force will be sent to compel them to obey the orders of the
Indian office. Secretary Chandler closed thus : " You will be
notified of the compliance or non-compliance of the Indians
w th this order ; au3 if said Indians shall neglect or refuse to
comply with said order, I have the honor to request that the
proper military officer be directed to compel their removal to
and residence within the boundaries of their reservation."

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 305

On the 6th of December, 1875, the commissioner of Indian
affairs, in pursuance of the instructions of the secretary of the
interior, issued a letter of instructions to the agents at Eed
Cloud, Spotted Tail, Lower Brule, Crow Creek, Cheyenne
River, Standing Eock, Devil's Lake, and Fort Peck agencies,
directing them to communicate, if practicable, to Sitting Bull
and other hostile Indians, the requirements of the govern-
ment that they remove within the bounds of their reserva-
tions on or before the 31st of the next month. The In-
dians to whom this notice was to be given were nomads,
roaming and hunting iu the unceded Indian country, by vir-
tue of a right guaranteed to them by the treaty of 1868.
Moreover, there was not sufficient food at the agencies during
that winter for such Indians as resided adjacent to them.

Agent Howard, of Spotted Tail agency, reported, under
date of January 3, 1876, that he had sent out runners, and
believed by that time they had reached the northern camps,
and that Sitting Bull was therefore advised of the intentions
of the government.

Agent Burke, of the Standing Rock agency, did not receive
his instructions until the 22d day of December, and imme-
diately sent some trustworthy and reliable Indian messengers
to the " hostile " camps, to notify them of what was required.
On December 31st, he wrote this fact to the department,. and
said : " I have no doubt but a large number of these wild and
lawless Indians will come to this agency and accept ihe con-
ditions of the treaty of 1868. I am strengthened in this be-
lief from the fact that many of them had already sent word to
their Indian relations and friends now peaceably settled on this
reservation of their intention to do so the present winter or
early the coming spring, in view of which J respectfully invite
the attention of the department to the necessitj/ of providing food
for their subsistence and maintenance." One of agent Burke's
messengers returned on January 30, 1876. When he left the
" hostile " country, no communication had been had with the
" hostile " Indians, owing to a difficulty between the Two Ket-
tle, Sans Arc, and other bands, and the Fort Berthold In-
dians. Agent Burke looked, however, for good results from
20

306 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

movements he had inaugurated ; and urged nn extension of
time, owing to the trouble referred to, and the great length
of the journey to the " hostile " camps at this inclement sea-
son.

Agent Hastings, of Red Cloud agency, received the notice
on December 20, and replied that Sitting Bull separated in the
fall from the " hostile " camp on the Powder river, and started
for the Yellowstone. Since then he had heard nothing about
his location, but as he was an XJuepapa, suggested that he
could be reached with less difficulty from Standing Rock.
Crazy Horse and Black Twin, to whom he sent word to come
in to the agency, were, he said, then en route to Red Cloud
agency with their people, but their progress was retarded on
account of deep snow. When heard from they were at Bean
Buttes. These two chiefs had never been at an agency. He
said he had sent couriers to notify the Cheyenne camp, located
about one hundred miles beyond Crazy Horse and Black Twin,
but had not heard from them. He could not obtain couriers
to go north except on a promise of reward.

Agent Bingham, of the Cheyenne river agency, reported
that one of the delegations he sent to the camp of Sitting
Bull and other wild bands, with the order to them to come to
the reservation, or be considered as enemies, returned on the
11th of February, 1876. His messengers reported that the
" hostile " Indians received the invitation and warning in good
spirit, and without any exhibition of ill feeling. They
answered that as they were then engaged in hunting buffiilo,
they could not conveniently come, but that early in the spring
they would visit the agency to dispose of their robes and
skins, when the question as to their future movements conld be
thoroughly discussed. He stated that the Indians referred to
were encamped on the Yellowstone, peaceably inclined, and
they deny all statements " so extensively circulated," that they
intend to make war on the frontier in the spring. In a former
communication to the department, of the date of January 26,
1876, agent Bingham said that from such facts as he could
obtain from runners, he had no reason to apprehend trouble
from the Indians named; that so far as he had information,
the Indians had not been so quiet and friendly disposed for a

OUR INDIAN -WARDS. 307

long time, as they were at that period, and the intimation of
a renewal of hostilities was a surprise not only to him, but to
all the Indians under his charge, who disclaimed all knowl-
edge of any intention on the part of themselves or their less
civilized friends, called, he said, for the sake of distinction,
'■'hostile." He said " they blame the newspapers for publish-
ing sensational reports for which there is no foundation, but
simply calculated to prejudice the government and its officers
against the Indians, who have no means of contradicting such
statements, unless through their agents."

The commissioner of Indian affairs having resigned, John
Q. Smith, of Ohio, was appointed to that office, and his at-
tention was at once called to the condition of things as they
then existed. He learned from the correspondence that had
reference to the case that it was the opinion of Generals Crook
and Terry, under whom any movement against the Indians
would he conducted, in which opinion the general and lieu-
tenant-general concurred, that such a movement at the time
referred to" (February, 1876), was entirely practicable. He
evidently had doubts, and was without any definite knowledge
that the Indians had received notice. He came, however, to
the conclusion that sufficient had been done to fully commit
the department to the policy of restraining, by force of arms,
any further outbreak or insubordination on the part of these
" hostile " bands, should they ndt comply and be at the agen-
cies before the 31st of the month, then only ten days distant.
Commissioner Smith assumed, of course, that there was
ground for the action that had already been taken, and that
the Indians were not only " hostile," but in a defiant attitude,
and he was not aware that there was no food at the agencies
for them should they come in, and it is possible that, in the
then state of the case, he was not aware that these Indians had
a right, under the treaty, to roam and hunt in the country
where they then were.

Promptly on the first day of February, 1876, the secretary
of the interior turned over " Sitting Bull and his followers"
to the war department, and on February 4, 1876, Gen. Sheri-
dan responded that Generals Crook and Terry were ready, and
would move at once against the Indians. Gen. Terry had

308 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

been at Chicago as early as the middle of December, 1875, in
conference with Gen. Sheridan on the subject, and Generals
Crook and Sheridan were they not at "Washington in ITovem-
ber, 1875, where the plan of the winter campaign was evolved,
and Inspector Watkins wrote the first letter to the commis-
sioner of Indian affairs suggesting the war? Thus was the
Sioux war of 1876, the crime of the centennial year, inaugu-
rated. ' ~^" "°^

In December, 1875, as a preliminary measure, the trader at
Standing Rock was ordered to quit selling ammunition to the
Indians of the agency. It had been the practice for many of
the agency Indians to make a winter hunt, and there was a
necessity for their doing so in the winter of 1875-6, since
there was a scarcity of rations at the agencies. On the 17th
of January, 1876, the commissioner of Indian affairs tele-
graphed the agents at Red Cloud, Spotted Tail, Standing
Rock, Crow Creek, White River, Cheyenne River, Fort Ber-
thold, and Fort Peck, to stop all sales of arms and ammuni-
tion to all the agency Indians, and seize any that were liable
to reach them. This produced uneasiness and distrust among
all the Indians, and hence some of the young men left the
agencies and did not return. Subsequently, orders were pro-
mulgated that all Indians then absent from the agencies,
should, on their return, surrender their arms and their ponies.
No exception was made in favor of such bands as were ab-
sent, with the knowledge of the agents, and then engaged in
hunting. Tlie effect of this order was to surprise the In-
dians, and many of them refused to submit to it, and not be-
ing permitted to come home without a compliance, when the
troops were put in motion, these Indians, being regarded as
" hostile," were driven back, and many from necessity, others
from choice, took refuge with Sitting Bull, and thus his forces
were augmented.

In the latter part of February, 1876, Gen. Crook took the
field with about thirteen hundred troops, making Fort Fetter-
man his base. He scouted on several streams and in the val-
leys, assigning a part of his command, under Gen. Reynolds^
to go in quest of the band of Crazy Horse. Agent Hastings
had notified the authorities, on the 28th of January, where

OUR INDIA>r WAEDS. 309

the village of this chief was, and hence Gen. Crook knew
where it was situate. The village was at Bear Buttes, and the
ludians were on their way to Red Cloud agency. A number
of the Northern Cheyennes were with them. Crazy Horse
had been there for some time, the weather being so cold that
he could not, with safety, move his women and children. On
the 17th of March, Gen. Eeynolds attacked and destroyed the
village, and captured about eight hundred ponies. The In-
dians were not aware of the presence of the troops until the
attack was made. Crazy Horse recovered his herd the next
day. Gen. Crook, in his report of the affair, expressed dis-
satisfaction at what he regarded as failures on the part of Gen.
Reynolds, which he classed thus: "A failure on the part of
portions of the command to properly support the attack. A
failure to make a vigorous and persistent attack with the
whole command. A failure to secure the provisions which
were captured, for the use of the troops, instead of destroying
them. And most disastrous of all, a failure to secure and
take care of the horses and ponies captured, nearly all of
which again fell into the hands of the Indians the following
morning. " And he regarded a farther prosecution of the
campaign, at this time, abortive, and his expedition returned
to Fort Fetterman, on the 26th of March. This was ren-
dered necessary by the inclemency of the weather. As Gen.
Crook could not keep the field with his supply train, and his
troops clothed for the occasion and the season, it does seem
that Crazy Horse ought to have been excused for not being
able to come into Red Cloud agency while the weather was
so cold. Gen. Crook did not leave Fort Fetterman again un-
til the 29th of May, when he started out with his force aug-
mented until it exceeded in nurnbers the army of Gen. Terry.
The latter was then in the Yellowstone valley. Gen. Crook
moved slowly, awaiting some Indian scouts that did not join
him until the 14th of June. On the 17th of June his scouts
reported Indians in the vicinity. In due time the Indians
and the troops were engaged in what is known as the "Bat-
tle of the Rosebud." These were Sitting Bull's Indians, and
BO skillfully were they handled on the field, that Gen. Crook
found it necessary to retire. He claimed that his troops re-

310 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

pulsed the attack, and drove the Indians several miles, but,
/us Indian allies refusing to go further, it remained for him to
follow the retreating Sioux without rations, and dragging liis
wounded with him on rough mule litters, or return to his
train where they could be cared for, and he determined on the
latter course, and marched back to his camp on Goose creek.
This failure gave Gen. Crook much uneasiness. His casual-
ties were nine men killed and twenty wounded. It was said,
that in the fall of 1875, when he was contemplating, and, in
fact, initiating, work, looking to a winter campaign against
the Sioux, he expressed the opinion that with five hundred
troops he could whip the Sioux nation. In the annual report
of Gen. Sheridan, he claimed a victory for Gen. Crook, but
was compelled to admit that it was barren of results. Ho
said that it was evident that Gen. Crook had not only the
band of Crazy Horse to contend against, but that the " hos-
tile " force had been augmented by young warriors from the
agencies on the Missouri, and Spotted Tail, and Red Cloud ;
and that the agents had not only concealed the fact of the de-
parture of these warriors, but in most cases, they had con-
tinued to issue rations as though the Indians were present.
He also said that he had feared such a movement from the
agencies, and as early as May, had asked that power should,
be given to the military to have supervision over the agencijeB,-
to keep in all who were then there, and all out who were then
out and " hostile." There is no doubt that some young men
did leave the agencies at the time anmiunition was denied
them, and joined Sitting Bull; but most of those with him,
not of his own band proper, were from those who, being out
on the hunt, when the order for dismounting and disarming
the Indians absent was promulgated, and hence not permitted
to return without submitting to the loss of their arms and
ponies, did not return to the agencies. The charges made
against the agents by Gen. Sheridan are not sustained by any
known facts, and as to the temper of the agency Indians, he
had himself assured Gen. Sherman as late as May 29, 1876,
that nearly every Indian, man, woman, and child, among them
was at heart a friend. This he stated only three weeks before
the affair on the Rosebud.

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 3H

We next have the battle of the Little Big Horn, which took
place on the 25th of June, between a portion of the forces of
Gen. Terry, under Gen. Custer, and the Indians under Sitting
Bull. The result of this sad affair is known to the whole
country. The press has designated it a massacre. The at-
tack was made by Gen. Custer, and not by Sitting Bull. It
was in broad daylight. Gen. Custer, in pursuance of orders,
which met with his own approbation, having invaded the
home of the Indian chief. The story is a sad one, and that
no quarter was given is regarded as savage barbarity. Are
we sure that Gen. Custer would have given quarter had the
tide of battle turned in his favor ? Let the fate of Black
Kettle's band, on the Wasjnta, November 27,1868, answer.
After the sad affair on the'Little Big Horn, Gen. Terry with-
drew his command to the mouth of the Big Horn, there to
relit and await reinforcements, which were at once sent for-
ward to join him. Troops were also sent forward to
strengthen Gen. Crook, who, on the Sth of August moved
down Tongue river, in search of " hostile " Indians. He lost
the trail, and moved his forces south toward the Black Hills.
While on the way, Capt. Mills, of the Third Cavalry, on the
8th of September, discovered an Indian village near Slim
Buttes, of about thirty lodges, and laid by that night, and
th« next morning surprised the village, killing some Indians,
taking some prisoners, and capturing a number of ponies.
This village was located on the Sioux reservation, and in hab--
ited by agency Indians, who had not be'en.;^ in, -the conflict.
From its stores of dried meat, Gen. Crook procured sufficient
to supply his troops with food, and thus he was enabled to
reach Custer City, in the Black Hills, where supplies for-
warded from Camp Robinson met him. He also detailed Col.
Merritt,'With a column of troops, to scout down the Chey-
enne river, and thence to Red Cloud agency, himself and
suite preceding them. The errand of Col. Merritt to the
agency was to dismount and disarm the Indians there ; but,
before his arrival, Gen.^cKenzie, from Camp Eobinson, had
anticipated him, and seized the arms and ponies of Red

Cloud's band.
Gen. Terry broke up his command, sending Col. Gibbon

312 OUK INDIAN WARDS.

back to Montana, and going himself, with the Seventh Cavalry,
to Fort A. Lincoln, and from thence down the Missouri to
the Standing Rock and Cheyenne river agencies, to dismount
and disarm the agency Indians, which was a part of the orig-
inal plan of the campaign, and, according to Gen. Sheridan,
" a iinal settlement of all further difficulties with the Sioux,"
provided the N^orthern Cheyennes and the village of Crazy
Horse were killed or captured; and, this done, he said, " the
Sioux war, and all other wars of any magnitude in this coun-
try, will be at an end forever."

It would seem, however, that there was some work still on
hand, since Col. Otis, who had been left on police duty at
Glendive, reported a two days' engagement with the Sioux,
whom he said he punished severely, and they sued for peace,
which being granted, the Indians were paroled, under prom-
ise to report at Tongue river. And Col. Miles, who was also
on like duty about Tongue river cantonment, had, it was re-
ported, an engagement with Sitting Ball and his followers, in
which, after iri'egular conflicts of several days, over four hun-
dred lodges surrendered, and gave hostages for the delivery
of their men, women, children, ponies, arras, and ammuni-
tion, at the Cheyenne river agency, on the 2d of December.
Sitting Bull and about thirty lodges escaped north. These
reports of Otis and Miles were subject, of course, to revision;
but, as it was necessary to have some victories for our troops
before the close of the year, in which they had been eneaged
in a most ignoble as well as unfortunate campaign, much
prominence was given to them. Gen. Sheridan certified their
truth and verity, on the 10th of November, to Gen. Sherman,
who was delighted with the news, and congratulated all con-
cerned on the prospect of closing the Sioux war, and expressed
delight at the energy and earnestness of Gen. Miles, with the
hope that he would crown his success " by capturing or kill-
ing Sitting Bull and his remnant of outlaws." Happy the
officer who may bring in the head of Sitting Bull, as a star
and promotion would surely follow.

The Indians who agreed with Gen. Miles to go into tlie
agency were, in fact, agency Indians, of the Minneconju and
Sans Arc bands, who had long desired to return home, but

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 313

were excluded by the order to dismount aud disarm them.
They had but few arms, their ammunition was exhaugted,
and, wearied and worn, they were anxious to get into the
agency, and did not belong to Sitting Bull's followers ; and
there were not four hundred lodges of them. As indicating
the actual condition of the agency Indians who were out
hunting when the war began, and who could not get home
without submitting to injustice and degradation, it may here
be stated that, in November, about one hundred and twenty
lodges of Uncpapas came to Fort Peck, suppliants for food.
They soon heard that Gen. Hazen was on his way to the fort
with four companies of troops, and fled southward. When
they went out in the spring, they had good lodges, of which
not one remained ; their ponies were very poor, and they were
without food, or ammunition to procure it. One single fact
such as this should go far to dissipate the extravagant state-
ments of military men as to the equipment, supplies, and de-
signs of the agency Indians. In relation to these Indians,
and their temper and condition, there is something noticea-
ble in the reports of Gren. Terry and Gen. Crook. The for-
mer, in the report of his operations in the field, and at Stand-
ing Eock and Cheyenne river agencies, says nothing on this
point ; he simply reports his discharge of the duty assigned
him. In view of the fact that, as a commissioner on the part
of the United States, he was a party to the treaty of 1868, by
which the integrity of the reservation and the unceded Indian
country was guaranteed to the Indians, with the undisturbed
use and occupation of the same, it has seemed a cruel thing
for his superiors to put him in the field to punish the Indians
for exercising rights acquired under the treaty. As a good
soldier, he must obey orders, there being no alternative other
than the resignation of his ofiice. As to Gen. Crook, his re-
ports overflow with charges and allegations against the agency
Sioux. He said officially, on September 26, 1876, that, from
the date of the treaty of 1868 to the present time, there had
been no time that the settlers were free from depredaticns:
that the Indians, without interruption, attacked persons at
home, murdered and scalped them, stole their stock, and, in
fact, violated every leading feature of their treaty. He said

314 OUR INDIAN" WARDS.

that " the reservations, instead of being the abode of loyal
Indians, holding the terms of the agreement sacred, have
been nothing but nests of disloyalty to their treaties and
the government, and seonrges to 'the people whose misfortune
it has been to be within their reach." When it is stated that
Gen. Crook, from the date of the treaty with the Sioux, in
1868, until a brief period previous to the time he wrote tho,
above, had been located on the Pacific coast and in Arizona,
and hence personally ignorant of the condition, temper, and
conduct of the agency Sioux, the reader will know what
weight to give to such bold and reckless statements.

It is presumed that the war department was properly in-
formed in relation to the status of the Sioux nation, as well as
the object of the expensive military operations in the Sioux
country. In a communication to President Grant, dated July_8,
1876, not three months before the date on which Gen. Crook
made his sweeping indictment, the secretary of war said : " The
present military operations are not against the Sioux nation at
all, but against certain hostile parts of it which defy the gov-
ernment. . . No part of these operations is"on or near the Sionx
reservation. . . The object of these military expeditions was
in the interest of the peaceful part of the Sioux nation, supposed
to embrace at least nine-tenths of the whole, and not one of the
peaceful or treaty Indians has been molested by the military
authorities." Gen. Sheridan had said in a letter to Gen. Sher-
man in May, 1876, that nearly every Indian, man, woman, and
child, among the agency Indians, was at heart a friend. In the
light of the statements of the secretary of war and Gen. Sheri-
dan, it seems marvelous that Gen. Crook should place in his
report such unfounded charges against the Indians of the Sioux
agencifcs.

Although the secretary of war advised the president in July
that not one of the peaceful or treaty Sioux had been molested
by the military authorities, it appears from the annual report
of Gen. Sherman, made on the 10th of November, 1876, that
it was a part of the " original plan " of the campaign to dis-
mount and disarm the friendly Indians at the agencies, and
this deed of treachery was actually performed at Red Cloud on
the 23d, Standing Rock on the 26th, and Cheyenne river on^

OUR INDIAIir WARDS. 315

the 28th of October, 1876, by the forces of Gen. Crook and
Gen. Terry, assisted by the local garrison at each agency.
Was this scheme concealed from t he secretary of war? The
agi'eomeut made by the Sioux commission with the agency
Indians, guaranteed to each individual protection in his rights
of person, property, and life. The military officers at B-od
Cloud, Standing Rock, and Cheyenne river were all aware of
this provision in the agreement, and some of them, at each
place, attested the execution of the paper. Were they aware
at the time that they, in the near future, were to be called upon
to assist in despoiling theselndians of their property ? These
are pertinent questions, i'nvolving as they do not only the per-
sonal honor of each officer, but the character of the service for_
frankness and open and fair dealing.

The ostensible object of this war was to compel Sitting Bull
and his followers to come into an agency, remain upon the I'eser-
vation, and cease from depredations. If this step were proper,
it is quite apparent that the Indians had not such notice as to
enable them, if they had been willing, to comply, before they
were turned over to the war department. It is not out of
place to bear a word on this subject from the Indians. Bear-
stands-up, a Brnle chief, went out from Spotted Tail agency
to bring home some relatives of his wife, and their women and
children. He was moved to do this because of the progress of
the war. He returned home on the 25th of June, 1876. He
found among the " hostiles " a few northern Cheyennes, some
Yanktonais, Ariekarees, and Gros Ventres. ' He must have
left the " hostile " camps nearly a month before he returned.
He supposed there were of the " hostiles" some two thousand^
made up chiefly of those Indians who were excluded from
coming to the agencies when the war first began, by the mili-
tary order requiring them to surrender their arms and ponies.
As the troops approached the Indian camps he had great diffi-
culty in getting away. He' said the Indians made their sol-
diers watch the camps and keep the people together. He
talked with Sitting Bull and was permitted to move his lodge
in the nigbt, and then came very far around to keep out of the
way of both Indians and soldiers. Sitting Bull sent word to
the ao^ent by him " that he did not intend to molest any one

316 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

south of the Black Hills, hut would fight the whites in that
country as long as the question was unsettled, and if not settled,
as long as he lived." As soon as the Black Hills question was
settled, he wanted the agent to send him word and tell him
what to do. He said " when the rascality about the Black
Hills was settled, then he would stop his rascality." He did
not want to fight the whites, but " only to steal from them as
they had done from the Indians. The white men steal and the
Indians won't come to a settlement." He said " the govern-
ment had promised much to the agency Indians that has never
been fulfilled, and it wants to move the agencies again. If
moved, who will occupy the land ? It belongs to the Indians.
If good white people will not listen to the Great Father,no
more you young men will listen to your chief." The message
of Sitting Bull closed with this remark : " If troops come out
to him, he must fight them, but if they do n't come out he in-
tends to visit the agency and will counsel his people to peace."
In the latter part of October, Gen. Miles had an interview with
Sitting Bull, at the request of the latter, under a flag of truce.
The chief stated (said Gen. Miles) that " he desired to hunt
buffalo, to trade (particularly for ammunition), and agreed that
the Indians would not fire upon the soldiers if they were not
disturbed. He desired to know why the soldiers did not go
into winter quarters, and, in other words, he desired an old
fashioned peace for the winter. He was informed of the terms
of the government, and on what grounds he could obtain
peace, and that he must bring his tribe in or near our camp.
The interview ended near sunset, without result. . . The In-
dians appeared again next day, and desired a talk. A council
with Sitting Bull and others followed. Sitting Bull was anxious
for peace, provided he could have his own terms. . . The de-
mands of the government were fully explained to him, and the
only terms required of him were that he should camp his tribe
on the Yellowstone, near the troops, or go into some govern-
ment agency and place his people under subjection to the gov-
ernment. He said he would come in to trade for ammunition,
but wanted no rations or annuities, and desired to live as an
Indian ; gave no assurance of good faith, and as the council
ended, was told that a non-compliance with the liberal terms

OUE INDIAN WAEDS. 317

I — — —

of the government would be considered an act of hostility."
Such is the substance of the interview as detailed by Gen.
Miles.

It is quite apparent, from the purport of Sitting Bull's
views, as conveyed by Bear-stands-up, and also to Gen.
Miles, that he was decidedly an anti-agency Indian, and de-
sired to lead the life of a nomad, but it is not seen that he is
such an outlaw as he has been depicted. He will not fight
any one south of the Black Hills, but if troops come out to
him he must fight them ; he wanted no rations, and desired
to live as an Indian, and if the whites quit their rascality he
would quit his rascality, etc. This is about the substance of
what Sitting Bull uttered, and it seems from it that if white
men did not invade his home there would be no trouble with
him, since he asked neither ammunition nor rations from his
great father. His life since he went into the British Posses-
sions seems to be in accordance with avowals made before he
left his range near the Yellowstone. In the queen's domin-
ions no one has disturbed him, and he has kept the peace.
Here he made no demand that the provisions of the treaty
did not warrant him in making. He had a right to roam and
hunt, and his doing so was no offense. He had a right to. an-
nuities as a nomad, which he never received and did not
claim. The order requiring him to go to an agency to dwell
there was in violation of his treaty rights, and the attempt to
execute that order by force was a grave offense. In discuss-
ing this question in the N"ew York Tribune, Bishop Whipple
said : " I know of no instance in history where a great nation
has so shamefully violated its solemn oath. "We first sent an
army into the country'which we pledged no white man should
enter to seek for gold. The discovery was heralded by the
press. A greedy host of adventurers flocked to the Eldorado".
The press, the people, and the rulers seemed to have forgotten
that these red men held the title to these lands by the guar-
antee of a nation's honor, as well as by the undisputed pos-
session of centuries. It was the old story of Ahab coveting
Ifaboth's vineyard. Ahab excused his conscience by calling
Naboth a churlish old fellow, and he crowned the infamy by
robbery and murder."

318 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

The troops of (xen. Terry and Gen. Crook achieved a bril-
liant victory at Stamling Rock, Cheyenne river, aurl Red
Cloud, wlien they swooped down upon the agency Indians
and seized their arms and took their ponies. The military
report of the affair at Red Cloud said : " Gen. McKenzie;>,
Fourth Cavalry, with eight companies of the cavalry and part
of the Pawnee scouts, left Camp Robinson after dark on Sun-
day evening, 22d October, and early the succeeding morning
surrounded the bands of Red Cloud and Red Leaf, and when
daylight dawned, and they saw the condition of things, they
surrendered without firing a shot. They were at once dis-
armed, their ponies taken from them, and the warriors, fol-
lowed by their families, with their camp equipage and prop-
erty, brought to the agencj', where they were released and
put in camp. About seven hundred ponies were captured,
with all the arms and ammunition the Indians had about their
persons or their lodges." In reporting this bold and brilliant
attack on these "hostiles" to Gen. Sheridan, the fact was so
gratifying to Gen. Crook that he closed thus: "I feel that
this is the first gleam of daylight we have had in this business."
A few days after this event, a gentleman not in the military
service thus wrote of it to the chairman of the Sioux commis-
sion : " To hear Red Cloud tell his story of the treatment he re-
ceived would make your heart molt with sympathy. It was
the most touching recital of wrong I ever listened to. He was
told by the military that it was done by order of the presidents.
He asked if his great father had given such an order, and
said : ' What have I done that I should receive such treat-
ment from him whom I thought my friend ?' My faith in
justice being done to the Indians has been obliterated by the
course that has been pursued toward this peaceable people."

Gen. Terry stated that the force with which he made a de-
scent on Standing Rock and Cheyenne river agencies was
composed of the Seventh Cavalry, three companies of infan-
try, and a section of artillery. This force was divided into
two parts, one of which, consisting of four companies of cav-
alry, under Major Reno, marched by the right bank of the
Missouri to Standing Rock, and reported to Lieut.-Colonel
Carlin, Seventeenth Infantry, commanding at the post, who,

OUR INDIAN WAEDS, 319

with his own garrison and Reno's troops, dismounted the In-
dians on that bank of the river. The other portion, under
Col. Sturgis in person, moved on the left bank. It reached
the camps on that bank at the same time that Major Reno ar-
rived on the other side, and was equally successful in accom-
plishing the object of the movement. " Not a shot was fired
and no violence was used." Colonel Sturgis' column then
marched to Cheyenne agency, to which three companies of
infantry from For|; Sully were also brought, repoi-ting to
Lieut.-Colonel Geo. P. Buell, Eleventh Infantry, the com-
mander of the post : " This display of force was quite suffi-
cient to effect our object, and the Indians quietly surrendered
their arms and their animals. About nine hundred ponies
from Cheyenne agency and about twelve hundred from Stand-
ing Rock are now on their way to this place (St. Paul), where
they will be sold. Without doubt many more will be ob-
tained from Indians who will come in to the agencies for food
during the winter." The execution of this piece of vandal-
ism does not seem to impress Gen. Sully in the same manner
that the same duty did Gen. Crook at Red Cloud. In a few
weeks thereafter five hundred additional ponies were taken
from the Indians at Standing Rock, and five hundred more
from those at Cheyenne river. The number of ponies seized
at the three agencies was seven hundred and eighty-seven at
Red Cloud, thirteen hundred at Cheyenne river, and seven-
teen hundred at Standing Rock. Of these it was said twenty-
one hundred were started for St. Paul, there to be sold, of
which it was reported more than one-half perished on the
road for lack of food. Such as arrived at St. Paul were sold
for a mere trifle. About four hundred were driven to Yank-
ton, without food on the way, and there sold for a nominal
price. This leaves five hundred'of the ponies seized at Chey-
enne river and Standing Rock unaccounted for. What was
done with these ? Those from Red Cloud were taken to
Laramie ; a portion of them sold at a nominal price, and the
remainder taken fora rem'ount for Gen. Crook's Indian allies.
The number of arms found with these " hostile" agency In-
dians proved to be inconsiderable, and the greater part were

320 OUR INDIAT^ "WARDS,

old guns and pistols. The ammunition they had was quite
insignificant in amount.

A gentleman, not of the army, who was at Cheyenne river
when the Indians were dismounted and disarmed, thus wrote
of it : "I am not a radical Indian lover, nor do I hate a class
of people that are more to be pitied than punished ; but if I
ever sympathized with, or grieved for any community, I
really did for these poor, hungry, and half-starved Indians, as
they came, band after band, some of them actually crying, to
deliver to the great, glorious, and free government of the
United States, represented by the 'big chief,' commanding
the department, acting under order from our brave lieutenant-
general, located at Chicago, their own 'private property; theirs
by every law, human and divine, and to which our govern-
ment has no right in the world, no more than it has to my
watch or pocket-book; but taken by virtue of the law that
might makes right. Failing signally, during the larte sum-
mer, in conquering, punishing, or himself even fighting
the 'hostile' Sioux, General Terry has achieved a most de-
cisive victory over the Indians called the ' coftee-coolers ' at
this agency. The latter, I presume, compensates for the
former. He has now temporarily retired from this part of
the country, and will rest on his laurels won at this blood-
thirsty agency (?) without firing a gun, and will recuperate at
St. Paul, to prepare for a fresh onslaught in the spring, while
his subordinates carry on the business of the war and interior
departments, in this country, to suit themselves. The ques-
tion forcibly presents itself: How long is this condition of
things, to last?"

This is a pertinent question. Such a condition of things,
so at war with every principle of justice, ought not to be toler-
ated for one moment; and such conduct would not be per-
mitted if the people of the United State were aware of the
terrible wrong, the overwhelming injustice, visited upon our
Indian population. If the public mind was fully enlightened,
and the public conscience aroused, to realize, in all its enor-
mity, the cruel conduct of high military officials toward this
hapless people, all engaged in it would meet with merited re-

4

OUR IJfDIAN WARDS. 321

buke, anjd the chief actors be driven from positions for which
they are utterly unworthy.

A word as to Sitting Bull, whom General Sheridan has
officially stated to he an insignificant warrior, with a few
thieving followers. Some have reported this chief as having
been schooled among the whites, and being conversant with
the English and Frencli languages. He says these are all
" strange lies." On being interrogated about these stories, and
which he denied, the chief said, "What I am, I am;" and,
in his attitude and expression of barbaric grandeur, he re-
peated : " I am a man. I am a Sioux."

On the 6th of l^fovember, 1877, when informed by Major
McCloud, of the Canadian police, that he must hold himself
ready to move his band to the Red Deer river — that the
queen had provided a home for him there — he is reported to
have said: "I came to you, in the first place, because I was
being hard driven by the Americans. They broke their trea-
ties with my people ; and when I rose up and fought, not
against them, but for our rights as the first people on this
part .of the earth, they pursued me like a dog, and would
have hung me to a tree. They are not just. They drive us
into war, and then seek to punish us for fighting. That is
not honest. The queen would not do that." After thanking
the queen, he said : " Tell her that I will be a good man ; that
my people will be good. I will take my people to the Red Deer;,
country; and now I do declare, before you, that I will not
make any trouble, or annoy you, or give pain to the queen.
I will be quiet. I will never fight on your soil unless you
ask me to help you. Then I will fight. Place me where you
will, I will be at peace in Canada. But you, who are brave
soldiers, and not treaty breakers, thieves, and murderers,
you would think me a coward if I did not die fighting
the Americans. Therefore, while I go to Red Deer river,
now to live in peace, I will come back when my braves are
strong [here he almost shrieked], or if they will not come with
me, I will come alone and fight the Americans until death.
You I love and respect ; them I hate ; and your queen's sol-
diers would despise me if I did nK)t hate them. That's all."
21

322 OUR INDIAN "WAE1>S.

CHAPTER XVI.

Operations against the Northern' Cheyennes. — Their surrenpek. — The

SURRENDER OP CrAZT HoRSE. — ThE CHIEF IS STABBED AT CaMP RoBINSON. —

Transfer op the Chetennes to the Indian Territory. — Dull Knife's

BAND ESCAPES NORTH. — ItS PATE. A SAD STORY.

In referring to the military operations of Generals Terry
and Crook against the Sioux Indians, Gen. Sheridan, in a
dispatch dated November 10, 1876, said that Generals Crook
and McKenzie had then only to hunt up and deal with the
band of Northern Cheyennes and the band of Crazy Horse,
and if successful, of which he had no doubt, the Sioux and all
other Indian wars of any magnitude in tlris country, would
be at an end forever. Before detailing the military opera-
tions against these bands, it seems appropriate to speak of
the Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes. The peace com-
mission of 1867-8 made a treaty with them on the 10th of
May, 1868. By this treaty they relinquished all right or claim
to any and all territory, except the right to roam and hunt
as long as game abounded in sufficient quantities to justify the
chase. While exercising this right they were to receive like
annual annuities as the nomad Sioux. It was, however,
agreed that a permanent home should be provided for them
on the reservation of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, south, or
the reservation of the Crows, or the reservation of the Sioux;
and when located on such reservation, school-houses were to
be erected and teachers employed, agency houses and mills
built, and millers, engineers, farmers, and blacksmiths sup-
plied them, and as the separate families located, each was to
receive similar annuities as the Sioux of the same class. The
appropriation of $500,000, made by Congress, July 27, 1868,
to be expended by Gen. Sherman in commencing the fuliill-
ment of the treaties made in 1867-8, had reference to the
treaty with these as well as other Indian tribes. They were
then residing north of the Platte, and had for some time
domiciled with the Sioux of the Red Cloud agency. On the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 323

lOth of August, 1868, by military order. Gen. Sherman
created the Sioux district, and assigned Gen. Harney to it,
and set apart to his use $200,000 of the $500,000. It was ex-
pressly declared in the order that the $200,000 was to enable
Gen. Harney to fulfill the treaty stipulations with the Sioux.
The Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes were entirely over-
looked. No place was design atedby^en. Sherman within
the Sioux or any other reservation for their home. In no
communication from him to Gen. Harney, or to any other of
his military agents, to whom he confided funds to fulfill
treaty stipulations, were these Indians named. It does not
appear that any of the military agents of Gen. Sherman ever
had any interviews with them. From that time forward until
September, 1876, when the Sioux commission, in the agree-
ment then made, incorporated them with the Sioux Indians,
the Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes had no fixed home,
and hence could only rely upon their right to roam and hunt,
and for the exercise of this right, under the military order of
June 29, 1869, they were regarded as hostile, and subject,
wherever found by military scouting parties, to be treated as
such and dealt with accordingly. They had continued from
time to time to domicile with the Sioux, of the Red Cloud
ao'ency, and received some attention from the agent. An
effort was made in 1873, by the interior department, to in-
duce them to join the Southern Cheyennes and Arapahoes,
but they declined to do so. In 1874, Congress prohibited the
department from giving them any supplies until they sbould
join the southern Indians. Owing to comjilicatious which
sprung up south of the Arkansas, it was not deemed ex-
pedient at that time to attempt their removal. An arrange-
ment was made with them, however, looking to their removal
in the future. In 1875, Congress again indicated in the appro-
priation act, that they should go south before any delivery ()f
annuities was made to them, and the commissioner of Indian
affairs, in his report dated November 1, 1875, stated that until
such removal there were no funds from which they could be
supplied with rations. After the failure of the commission
that met the Sioux in the fall of the year 1875, to obtain a
cession of the Black Hills, the Indian office decided on the re-

324 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

moval of the Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and re-
quested the secretary of war, should the Indians refuse to go,
to supi)ly troops to compel them. The matter was referred to
Gen. Sheridan, and he expressed the opinion that the change
onght not at that time to be made. The secretary of war ou
the 18th of !N"ovomber, 1875, advised the interior department
that such was the opinion of Gen. Sheridan.

At this time Gen. Sheridan was contemplating a war with
the Sioux, and this war was inaugurated in February, 1876.
In March of that year, a portion of Gen. Crook's command,
under Gen. Eeynolds, struck the village of Crazy Horse, on
the Little Powder river. A large portion of the Northern
Cheyennes were then dwelling in this village. Thus they be-
came involved in the war. In the Indian appropriation bill,
passed August 15, 1876, Congress again made it a condition
that no supplies should be furnished these Indians until they
removed south. In all this time no steps had been taken to
set apart a home for them south, or anywhere else, and no
agency buildings, or other improvements, were provided for
them.

In this condition of things, about the middle of Septem-
ber, 1876, the Sioux commission of that year (being then at
Red Cloud agency negotiating with the Indians there ibr a
cession of the Black Hills) was waited upon by a delegation
pf the Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes, who requested
that their people be incorporated with the Sioux, in the
agreement about to be made, and which was shortly after ex-
ecuted, and they were made parties to it. The commission
had no specific instructions to that cfl'ect, but it was apparent
that these Cheyennes and Arapahoes had a right to a home
on the Sioux reservation (among others), guaranteed to them
by the treaty of May 10, 1868, and having indicated a desire
to live with the Sioux, who were perfectly willing to receive
them, there seemed to be a propriety in making them parties
to the agreement. They were unwilling to remove south;,
they had no association with the Crows, and were friendly to
and many of them intermarried with the Sioux. The agree-
ment was executed with the different bands of Sioux residing
at the Red Cloud agency, and Northern Cheyennes and Ara-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 325

pahoes, on the 20th of September, 1876. It was executed by
the Sioux at" Spotted Tail agency, and the Sioux at the agen-
cies on the Missouri, between that time and the last of Octo-
ber, 1876.

In the fourth article of the agreement, it was stipulated
that the Indians should select a delegation from each band to
visit the Indian Territorj', with a view to the selection of a
permanent home in that territory, provided that on actual
view a suitable location, satisfactory to them, to the Indians
in the territory owning the land, and the United States, could
be made; and such delegations from Eed Cloud and Spotted
Tail agencies were selected and visited the country, and were,
it was understood, generally well pleased with it. The civil-
ized tribes received the delegations with marked attention and
great kindness. On the return of the delegations to the Red
Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies (these being the only bands
that agreed to send delegates), they were not permitted to
make report to the Indians they represented, since officers of
the army were then acting as Indian agents at both these
agencies, and Gen. Sheridan and Gen. McKenzie, the latter
then in command at Camp Robinson, were opposed to the
visit of the delegates, or the removal of any of the Indians to
the Indian Territory. On the 28th of February, 1877, Con-
gress ratified the agreement made by the commission with the
Sioux and the Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes, first strik-
ing out the fourth article, and adding an express prohibition
ao-ainst the removal of any portion of the Sioux Indians to the
Indian Territory, until the same should thereafter be author-
ized by act of Congress. Thus the Sioux were confined to
the present Sioux reservation, and both they and the ISTorth-
ern Cheyennes and Arapahoes were, by the third article of
the agreement, bound to receive all future subsistence and
supplies on said reservation, and in the vicinity of the Mis-
souri river. The law creating the commission of 1876 re-
quired that any agreement it made with the Sioux should'
contain a clause of this kind. The condition was very dis-
tasteful to the Indians at Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agen-
cies, since they did not desire to live in, or near the valley of
the Missouri river..

326 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

In the ratification of the agreement, Congress did not pro-
hibit the removal of the I^^orthern Cheyeniies and Arapahoes
to the Indian Territory, and yet it did not relieve them from
the obligation to receive their future subsistence and supplies
at some point on the Sioux reservation, and in the vicinity of
the Missouri river. In the Indian appropriation act of March
3, 1877, providing for annuities and subsistence for the In-
dian tribes for the year ending June 30, 1878, there is not one
dollar appropriated to supply the Northern Cheyennes and
Arapahoes with the ration stipulated to be given them by the
agreement of September 20, 1876. There is an appropriation
iu their behalf for clothing, and for the pay of a physician,
teacher, carpenter, miller, farmer, blacksmith, and engineer,
and ten dollars per head to be expended for each of said In-
dians that may lead a nomadic life, and roam, and hunt !

After the repulse of Gen. Crook, on the Eosebud, on the
17th June, 1876, he moved his troops, by easy stages, in a sort
of retreat, passing through the mining camps in the Black
Hills, where he separated from his command, and, by way of
Red Cloud agency, returned to Fort Laramie. Here he met
Gen. Sheridan. He then passed on to the Pacific Railroad,
and thence to his home at Omaha. Here he rested until
November, before he again resumed ofiiensive operations. His
errand was then to hunt up the Northern Cheyennes and
Crazy Horse's band of the Sioux, and when these were dealt
with, the war, according to Gen. Sheridan, was to be closed.
This was Gen. Crook's third expedition. He was, no doubt,
aware of the location of these Cheyennes, as well as the lo-
cation of the band of Crazy Horse. The former were in the
Big Horn mountains, and a column of his troops, under the
command of Gen. McKenzie, set out in pursuit of their vil-
lage. On the 24th of November, Gen. McKenzie reached the
base of the mountains. Here he rested until about four
o'clock in the afternoon, when his scouts were ready to con-
duct him on his tedious way to the village of the Cheyennes.
A correspondent with the troops wrote that the command
followed the scouts " through the long, cold night, over
mountain and through valley, along steep precipitous bluffi,
where a slip or a stumble meant broken bones, or worse.

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 327

Until midnight, a bright moon and clear sky favored them,
but from that time till daylight seemed an eternity to the
scattered, groping, weary command. In many places there
was barely room for a single horse to keep the narrow trail,
and every few minutes the command would be compelled to
halt, and wait for the rear of the column to close up. "Wearily
dragged the hours, until four o'clock a. m., when it was ru-
mored that the village was only three miles to the front.
Another march, and another halt. The scouts were near the
village, and the attack was to be made at daylight. Cau-
tiously and silently the long columu'crept through the broken,
ragged valley. Suddenly, while the eastern sky disclosed the
gray aspect of approaching day, a scout discovered a dar^
figure guiirding a group of ponies. The figure starts; fires a
pistol among them, and flees down the valley, hotly pursued
by the cavalry and a body of Indian scouts. Across a stream,
and turning to the right, appear, only a few hundred yards in
advance, the white steeples of a large Indian village. A wild,
prolonged yell broke from hundreds of savage throats, as the
Sioux and Pawnee scouts dash into the village, and among
the herds of ponies belonging to it. A single rifle shot, closely
•followed by a rattling volley, told the rear of the column that
the ball was opened ; and with horses at their utmost speed,
down the slippery, dangerous paths, they tore on like a hur-
ricane, to be in at the death. The north fork of Powder
river, on which the village was located, is, at this point, a
small stream, from fifteen to twenty feet wide, running
through a canon varying from a fourth to half a mile in
width. On the eastern side, a high, precipitous cliff", of red-
dish rock, ran nearly parallel to the course of the stream.
On the west side, just over the village, was a high, abrupt
bluff: Above the village the surface of the ground was
broken by broad, deep ravines, running perpendicularly to
the stream and the face of the cliffs to the east. Three of
these were succeeded by gently-rolling surfaces, gradually
rising to the high table-land above, and cut up by numerous
small ravines. Along the bed of the stream grew numerous
Cottonwood trees, the space between that and the bluffs being
bare of timber. The attack was a total surprise to the In-

328 OUR INDIAN WAKDS.

dians, the first intimation of the approach of the column being
the arrival of the herder who had been surprised bji-the scouts.
The Cheyennes had jumped on their ponies, and were hurry-
ing their squaws and children out of the camp, up the creek,
toward the high ground, for safety, when the troops came
tearing doAvn upon them. Panic-stricken, they fired a Vol-
ley, and fled, taking refuge among the rocks and ravines,
from which they began to pour a fire on the cavah-y, then just
forming for the attack. Some of the Indians had gained the
bluff overlooking the camp, and commanding the immediate
vicinity. The Indian allies charged these, and after a hot
contest, killed all the Cheyennes, and kept possession of the
bluft's, from which they did effective service during the fight.
Some of the Cheyennes still occupied the upper part of the
village, and were directing their fire among the troops. Capt.
Taylor's company of the Fifth Cavalry was oi'dered to charge
them, and they gave way. The contest, however, lasted all
day." The village was fired, and burned. It was estimated
to contain near three hundred warriors, and twelve hundred
souls. Many Indians were left dead upon the ground.
Many more were killed, but were carried off by their friends.
Eight officers and privates were killed, and about twenty-five
wounded. The winter store of buffalo meat laid up by the
Indians was estimated at 80,000 pounds. This, and 1,200
robes, a large number of saddles, cooking utensils, axes, and
various tools belonging to the Indians, with all their personal
property and clothing, were, with the village, numbering
more than two hundred lodges, burned. Over six hundred
ponies were captured, and given, it was said, to the Indian
" allies." The Cheyennes that escaped were utterly destitute,
scarcely saving even a blanket. The weather was intensely
cold, and it was the opinion among the troops that many of
the Indians that escaped must perish. The Indian " allies"
of Gen. McKenzie, it was said, fought bravely, and did most
excellent service. It was admitted that without their vigi-
lance and aid it was hard to see how the troops could have
accomplished any thing effective. The village was so securely
hidden away, that without the aid of the scouts, the troops
could not have found it. Indeed, it was thought by some

OUE IjSTDIAN" waeds. ' 329

that had not Gen. McKenzie had his Indian " allies," the
Cheyennes could have given him a terrible punishment. This
work accomplished, Gen. McKenzie did not pursue the winter
campaign any further. Knowing, before he set out, the region
in which the Cheyennes were, his mission was to surprise their
village and destroy it.

Here was an Indian village, hid away in a secluded place,
where no white people could reach it. The location was far
away from any traveled road, and in the recluse of the moun-
tains. Every indication would go to show that its inmates
had not recently been on the war-path, but diligently em-
ployed in laying up a winter supply of food, and preparing
for market the hides of the huffalo they had slain. These
Indians were deprived of any annuities. They had no home
on any reservation, but had a right to roam and hunt, and in
the country in which they were, this right was guaranteed to
them. It is true that in September previous they had been
incorporated with the Sioux, in the agreement then made, but
the agreement required the approval of Congress before it
was binding, and that was not given until the following Feb-
ruary, and then Congress modified it, so that, practically,
nothing was left them as a home but the hunting right
guaranteed by the treaty of May 10, 1868. There was, how-
ever, in the agreement of September, 1876, with these and
the Sioux Indians, a pledge that each individual should " be
protected in his rights of property, person, and life," and this
pledge Congress did not disturb. The covenants of this
aoreement were known to all the military officers at the
posts within the Sioux country, and it was known by both
Gen. Crook and Gen. McKenzie that the Northern Cheyennes
and Arapahoes were parties to the agreement. It is thus-
that military officers disregard the covenants made by the
government with its Indian wards. Under the circumstances,
it was a grave offianse, it was a crime, to attack this village,
kill its inmates, and destroy thei r property. Such conduct
should at all times be disavowed by the government, and such
of its public servants as participate in it should be severely
dealt with. In transmitting Gen. McKenzie's report of his
operations to Gen. Sheridan, Gen. Crook said : " I can not

330 OUR IMDIAN WARDS.

commend too higlily this brilliant acliievement and the gal-
lantry of the troops."

Among the Indians who joined in the expedition as " allies "
of Gen. Crook, were Sioux, Arapahoes, and some Northern
Cheyennes. They were from the Red Cloud and Spotted
Tail agencies. They were told by Gen. Crook that he desired
them to join him in an expedition against the ITorthern In-
dians — not the l^ortheru Cheyennes. The term "NoHheru
Indians " was well understood by the Indians at the agencies,
and did not embrace any of the Sioux of the Red Cloud or
Spotted Tail 'Indians, or the JS^orthern Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes. They were not told that the object was to surprise and
attack the Northern Cheyennes. At Fort Fetterman, on the
7th of November, 1876, the Indians accompanying the expe- ■
dition held a council with Gen. Crook. In their speeches
they referred to the agreement made with the Sioux and
Northern Cheyennes and Arapahoes, in September, and spoke
of the delegation sent down from the Red Cloud and Spotted
Tail agencies to explore the Indian Territory. They said that
when this delegation returned, nothing must be done until
they got back ; that when the delegation returned, and " we
come back, we want to pick out an agency and work to-
gether." They also said : " We are going with you to fight
the Northern Indians. When you came and asked us to help
you light these Indians, we said, yes, we '11 go with you.
. . . We want good arms, good horses, and plenty of
ammunition." Gen. Crook made them liberal promises, and
they all seemed pleased. Thus they were deceived, and a
part of them induced to join an expedition against their own
people, when they supposed they were going to fight th,e
Northern Indians. "

The Cheyennes, who escaped, had Gen. McKenzie deter-
mined to pursue them, it is probable he could not have cap-
tured. During the next spring they, or a portion of them,
surrendered to Gen. Miles. It is said that the chief. Hump,
who was the speaker of the party that made the surrender,
handed his belt and gun to the general, and also turned over
all his ponies, saying : " Take these ; I am no longer chief or
warrior." On being asked by a correspondent of the New

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 331

York Herald, who was with Miles, why he should thus put
himself in hostility to the government, Hump replied : " I
never went to war with the whites. The soldiers began chas-
ing me about, for what cause I do not know to this day. I
dodged as long as I could and hid my village away, but at
last they found it, and I had no alternative but to fight or
perish. I fonght the white chief McKenzie, and would have
whipped him and his soldiers, if fresh troops and his Iu4ian_
allies had not come to his assistance just when they did. As
it was we were beaten and lost all our lodges. We had to
retreat over one hundred miles, and the weatber was bitter
cold. "We almost perished, but at last reached Tongue river,
where tbere was a big camp. "We had not been there long
before Gen. Miles came with, his foot soldiers, and we had to
figbt again." At this juncture Hump asked a group of Gen.
Miles' officers, ""Why did your soldiers come after us?" and
not one of them could tell him.

At the time that Gen. Reynolds surprised the village of
Crazy Horse, in March, 1876, this chief was on his way to
Red Cloud agency. He was, however, by reason of the in-
clemency of the weather, detained at Little Powder river for a
long time, and bere Gen. Reynolds struck and destroyed his
village. The treatment he receivfed from Gen. Reynolds did
not impress him favorably, and hence he did not pprsue his
journey any further, but remained a nomad. On the return
march of Gen. Crook's forces, after Gen. McKenzie had de-
stroyed the Cheyenne village, scouts were sent out in various
directions with the hope that the village of Crazy Horse
might be discovered; but the troops did not find. it. It was
more than a month before they returned to "Fort Fetter-
man, and so intensely cold was the weather, lEat further
military operations were abandoned. Some of the agency In-
dians from Red Cloud and Spotted Tail were, however, sent
out in pursuit of Crazy Horse. They found and induced a
number of Indians, both Cheyenne and Sioux, to come in
from time to time to the agencies. They found Crazy Horse,
and while they could not induce any of his band to come m,
or obtain any promise from him to do so, yet their influence
was such that it wrought a change, and early in May the

332 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

chief made hia appearance at Eed Cloud agency with his
people. A few days thereafter a council was held, in which
the chief said to Gen. Crook : " You sent tobacco to my camp
to invite me to come in. I came at once, and since getting
in here I have been looking toward the post, and my heart
has been happy. In coming this way I picked out a place
and stuck up a stick in the ground for a place to live here-
after, where there is plenty of game. All these relations of
mine that are here, I would like them to go back with me and
stay there." The Young-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horse also spoke.
He said : " This was his country, and the treaty allowed them
to live here, but if the Great Father said they must leave,
they wanted to go north of the Black Hills, where bad white
men could not steal their ponies and ruin their country. They
wanted a brick school-house and a good minister." High
Bear also spoke. He said : " In the first place we want the in-
terpreter to have courage, and tell the truth. We have heen here
for many generations, and this is our ground. I talk for my
people. You sent for us to come in, and we knew that some
of our people were with you, and we did not wish to fight
them, and so we came. I want a place in my country where
we can get some game, and a place where I can travel around
and chase buffalo, and visit about and be free." The drift of
these talks will be better understood when the reader is in-
formed that the matter of removing the ag^cies of Eed
Cloud and Spotted Tail to the Missouri was then under dis-
cussion, and none of the Indians were favorable to that meas-
ure. Spotted Tail closed the conference. He recited the
many treaties that had been made with them, and all of which
had been broken by the white people and the government.
He alluded to the commission that made the agreement of
September, 1876, with the Sioux. He said the commission
made them promises which were never kept, and concluded
with the suggestion " that as there was a new president, he
hoped he would help them. So many words," he said, " had
been sent to him in time past, and so much had been, lost,
that he hoped some of them could go to Washington and see
him (the new president) face to face. We will," said the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 333

chief, " throw away all past treaties and make a new one,
which will give us good lands and good schools."

Gen. Crook, in his reply, when referring to the allegation
of Spotted Tail, that the promises of the Sioux commission
had not been kept, said : " In regard to the commissioners 1
have had nothing to do with them, and if they do n't keep
their word, I can not help it." When we call to mind that
the commission, in their agreement with the Sioux and North-
ern Cheyennes and Arapahoes, pledged the United States to
protect each individual Indian in his rights of property, per-
son, and life, and tha t scarcel y_o ne month after t he e xecution
of the agreement at Red Cloud agency. Gen. Mciienzie, by
order of Gen. Crook, took from Red Cloud's and Red Leafs
hands nearly nine hundred ponies and all their arms, burnt
about fifty teepees, and temporarily imprisoned Red Cloud,
the reply of Gen. Crook places him in a position that no^taan
of honor should desire to occupy. He knew that these acts
of vandalism were done by his authority ; that they were a
part of the original plan of the campaign, and yet in direct
violation of the covenants of thsjigreement. He knew that,
at the time of the execution of the agreement at Red Cloud,
Standing Rock, and Cheyenne river agencies, the military of-
ficers of the local garrisons who witnessed the execution of
the instrument, were aware when they did so that very soon
it would be violated, in this particular, by the troops. He
knew, also, that the commismon were kept in ignorance of
what was soon to transpire. ^Tnthe light of such facts, what
a commentary on the frankness and honor of the American
soldier is the reply of -Gen. Crook to Spotted Tail! The
commission, when referring'to this piece of vandalism in their
report, said : " This seizure was unjust and, in view of the
facts, cruel to the Indians."

In the month of August, 1877, there was some difficulty at
the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies, owing to which the
bands of Crazy Horse were dismembered and distributed
among other bands, and this chief was arrested and held as
a prisoner. On the 5th of September, Gen. Crook tele-
graphed Gen. Sheridan that Crazy Horse was then a prisoner,
and that he had " ordered Bradley to send him off where he

334 OUR INDIAN WABDS.

will be out of harm's way." He was arrested at Spotted Tail
ageucy, on the 4th of September, and on the evening of the
5th arrived as a prisoner at Camp Robinson, and while being
disarmed at the guard-house, was stabbed with a baj'onet by
a soldier, and died in a few hours tHereatter ; and thus he was
put out of harm's way. It is presumed that the act of the
soldier who stabbed the chief was considered, by the officers,
a meritorious one, siuce it does not appear that any proceed-
ings were had against him.

On the 15th of May, 1877, Gen. Sheridan telegraphed Gen.
Sherman that the Northern Cheyennes, then at Camp Robin-
son, desired to go to the Indian Territory, and strongly urged
that they be removed to it. The dispatch was referred to the
Indian office on the 17th of May, and on the 18th that office
advised the adjutant-general that such removal was approved.
By what process these Indians had been led to request that
they should be transferred to the Indian Territory is not
shown. At the time there was a military officer acting as In-
dian agent at Red Cloud. For several years previous to this
time, these Indians were unalterably opposed to going to the
Indian Territory, to dwell with the Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes then residing there. That they were desirous to be sep-
arated from the troops of Gen. McKenzie, is no doubt true^
but that they sought an alliance with their southern name-
sakes is not probable. However, in a few days following the
date of these dispatches, they were on their way south, con-:
ducted by Lieut. Lawton. That officer telegraphed, on the,
29th of May, that he was then en route to the Indian Territory •
with 972 Northern Cheyennes, whose removal he was ordered
to superintend. On the 5th of August, 1877, these Indians
arrived at Fort Reno, and, on the 7th, they were turned over
to the agenToftEe Southern Cheyennes and Arapahoes. The-
Northern Arapahoes were removed to the Wind river reserve,"
in Wyoming. It is stated that the Northern Cheyennes, on
their arrival at the agency, said that they had come to see
how they liked it, and that if they did not like it, they would
return north. It will be observed that they were seventy
days on their journey. A writer, who met them on the way,
said they traveled " quietly and mournfully, for events had

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 335

forced them to this choice, and they had left their home with
the regret of the emigrant. The bucks were mostly mounted.
Many of the squaws, however, carried their papooses on
their backs, and led ponies that hauled the travois."

In the annual report of the agent for the Cheyenne and
Arapahoe agency, in the Indian Territory, for the year end-
ing Jane 30, 1877, made August 31, 1877, reference is made
to the Northern Cheyennes, who had then been there less
than one month. The agent said that their connection with
his agency had been so brief that he had not been able to
form an opinion or fathom the under current that controlled
them. He said that there was a marked difference between
them and the southern Indians ; that they did not yield to
the department regulations with such cheerfulness as their,
southern brethren. He thought, however, that it was not
singular that there should be among them a feeling of dis-
trust, as many of them were then in mourning for the loss of
sons and brothers in the war, while others were suffering
from wounds received in battle. He hoped, in time, by firm
and just treatment, to win their confidence. He reported
that Lieut. Lawton turned over to him 937, whereas that
officer reported on his way that he started with 972.

These Indians were all dissatisfied with their new home.
They were wild horsemen, who had never been brought un-
der any agency discipline. At the close of the fiscal year,
ending June 30, 1878, the agent reported this tribe to num-
ber 970. He said about one-half had refused to affiliate with
the Soutliern Cheyennes, and invariably camped by them-
selves, away from the other Indians, and in all respects acted
as if a different tribe. He said they manifested no desire to
engage in farming, and in council and elsewhere expressed an
intense desire to return north, where they said they would
settle down. 'So difference was made by the agent in the
treatment of these and the other Indians. All were required
to do certain things, as a condition to the issue of the sugar,
coffee, and tobacco ration. The compliance of these Indians
with the requirements was of a different nature from that of
the others. He thought it might become necessary, in the
future,'to compel that obedience which he had been unable to

336 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

obtain by an appeal to their better natures. Had we their
view of the ease, we should, no doubt, have some reasons,
from an Indian standpoint, for their action. Dull Knife's
band were among the dissatisfied. These were intermarried
with theOgallaila, or Red Cloud Sioux, and longed to return
north and join their friends. So intense was their feeHng,
that among the Indians they were called the Sioux Cheyennes.
They did not conceal the fact that they intended to return
north, and sucb was their temper that on the 5th of Septem-
ber, 1878, the agent informed the commanding officer atFort^.
Reno of the fact. On the night of the 9th of September, this
band, more than three hundred in number, left their lodges
and started north. The fact was communicated to the agent
about three o'clock the next morning, by one of his Indian
police. He immediately dispatched a messenger to Fort
Reno, to notify Col. Mi^nei", and requested him to send out
troops and bring them back. The colonel had previously
ordered two companies to watch this band, but these camped
about four miles from Dull Knife's camp. It was, for some
reason unexplained, eight hours after the Indians started, be-
fore the troops who had been posted to watch them, knew of
their departure ! It was said there were eigh ty-sev en warriors
in the party. It made a journey of six hundred miles with its
camp equipage and its ponies. It Was stated that in their pro-
gress the Indians did not attack a settler, or any one else, until
after they were struck by the troops. They had gone about
120 miles bel'ore they were overtaken by the military. Sev-
eral engagements took place as they passed on through Kan-
sas, and they killed settlers, burnt houses, and committed
other atrocities, such as are incident to savage warfare. It is
probable they were not aware of the removal of the Sioux_^
from the Red Cloud agency until they had reached northern
Nebraska, since their line of march looked in that direction.
Here they surrendered to the troops. In their different en-
gagements the band was considerably decimated. The troops,
also, lost both officers and men. The Telegraph newspaper,
of Sidney (Nebraska), of the 25th of January, 1879, stated
that when these Indians surrendered in the fall, they claimed
that they were assured they should not be taken back to the

OUR INDIAN WAKDS, 337

Indian Territory. The editor had visited Fort Eobinson to
obtain information. After being imprisoned more than two
months at Fort Robinson, it was agreed upon by the war and
interior departments that the Indians should be returned
south, to the end that such of them as committed the mur-
ders and other atrocities in Kansas might be identified, and
put on trial. This was said to be in pursuance of a demand
from the governor of that state.

When informed that the government had determined to
send them back to the Indian Territory, Dull Knife and his
warriors protested. They said they would prefer death where
they were than submit to removal. It was midwinter, and
terribly cold, and, as a means of reducing them to submis-
sion, it was stated that they were for five days deprived of
proper clothing, food, and fuel. This was done by the mil-
itary at Fort Robinson. With the S.ag of our country float-
ing over the fort, they deprived the Cheyenne men, women,
and children of blankets, food, fire, and water for five days,
in order to compel them to yield and return to an associa-
tion they despised ! Should such inhumanity be tolerated,
and its perpetrators go unpunished ? Instead of yielding, the
Indians were made more desperate by this attempt to starve
and freeze them into submission. Within one hundred feet
of their prison-house were several companies of United States
troops, and sentinels were kept on duty. These warmly-clad
men paced to and fro, with their arms ready for service. Al-
though the Indians had determined to die rather than be car-
ried back, there were apparently at this immediate tigie no
fears entertained by th§ officers, notwithstanding the inter-
preter had informed them that the Indians premeditated an
outbreak. Strange to relate, that on the evening of the 9th
of January, it is said that every available stretcher was over-
hauled and placed in position where it could be easily brought
into use ; the attendants were forbidden to retire, and for
some reason the troops did not turn in. Moreover, the win-
dows of the prison w ere left unb arred. About eleven o'clock
at night, on a signaTgiven by Dull Knife, every warrior
leaped through the windows of the prison-house, and the
22

338 OUR IXDIAJf WARDS.

women and children followed. As the warriors passed from
the prison across the grounds of the barracks, and out toward
the cold prairie, they fired upon the guard with revolvers, which
they had concealed, and four of them were wounded. The
main guard, on the report of the revolvers, rushed out, and,
following the Indians, shot and killed more than forty of
them. Then, as soon as possible, a hundred and sixty cav-
alry-men started in pursuit, and the sharp bang of their
carbines was heard as they pursued the fleeing Indians,
who made for the bluffs about three miles distant from the
fort. A dispatch from the fort, on the morning of the 10th
of January, stated that it was thought not an Indian would
be able to escape. The pursuit of the Cheyennes was kept
up by the troops, first by one squad and then another, until
the 22d of the month. After a few days, there was a dispo-
sition to relax, but a dispatch from the fort, on the loth, stated
that Gen. Crook had ordered-. that the pursuit be continued.
On the 16th of January, ' Capt. "Weasels set out with four
troops of fresh cavalry. By this time the ranks of the In-
dians were considerably reduced. He took six days' rations.
On the 22d, he closed the campaign. On that day he attacked
the remnant of the band, then intrenched in the mouth of a
ravine, about twenty miles north of Bluff station, and about
fifty miles from Fort Robinson. His troops encircled the In-
dians, leaving no possible avenue of escape. As soon as the
skirmishers approached within striking distance, the Indians
fired on them, killing one lieutenant and two privates, and
wounding the third. The troops advanced and opened a
deadly fire on all sides, and with terrible effect. The Indians,
then without ammunition, rushed with desperation toward
the troops with their hunting-knives in hand ; but before they
had advanced many paces a volley was discharged by the
troops, and all was over. The bodies of twenty-four Indians
were found in the ravine, including, as the dispatch stated,
"seventeen bucks, five squaws, and two papooses; nine re-
mained, of whom one buck and five squaws were more or
less wounded, and three squaws unhurt." A dispatch to Gen.
Crook, of the date of January 23d, said that " the Cheyennes
fought with extraordinary courage and firmness, and refused

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 339

all terms but death." The dispatch of the 15th, from the
fort, which stated that Gen. Crook had given positive orders
that the pursuit be continued, said, that on the 14th the troops
abandoned the pursuit, leaving the Indians in possession of
the natural mounds north of Indian creek. The same dis-
patch stated that " thirty-two Indians, of which twenty-five
were bucks and the remainder women and children, had been
killed and buried in one common grave." An observer of one
burial said: "Let us see the dead and wounded brought into
the fort. The soldiers drag -out of the army wagons twenty-
six frozen bodies. They fall'upon the frozen ground like so
many frozen hogs. These bodies are pierced by from three
to ten bullets each. They are stacked up in piles like cord-
wood, the scanty clothing of the women being in some in-
stances thrown over their heads. They are a ghastly pile of
God's poor despised children. Their heads have been scalped^
and every indignity heaped upon them that more than In-
dian brutality can invent. The officers account for so many
shots being fired into the bodies by saying that ' whenever the
wind stirred a blanket, the soldiers fired again to make sure
the Indian was dead.' They deny that the soldiers scalped
the dead, but it is not shown that other savages were there."
In the annual report of the agent, made in August, 1878,
the Northern Cheyennes, then near the agency in the Indian
Territory, numbered 970. After Dull Knife and his band es-
caped, there still remained 650 of these. Hence, the number
that left with Dull Knife was 320. "We find that a few days
after the close of the campaign by Capt. Weasels, on the 22d
of January, 1879, there were sent fromOFoirt Robinson to the
Pine Kidge agency twenty-two Cheyenne women and thirty-
two children, widows and orphans, to'Jwell with the Ogailalla
Sioux, tlieir relatives; and, on the 4th of February, 1879,
Capt. Vroom started from the fort with the survivors, being
seven Cheyenne men and their women and children, 'fourteen
in number, on his way to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, to the
end that these might be turned over to the civil authorities,
to answer for the murders and arsons committed by the band
of Dull Knife, on its journey north, in the fall of 1878.
Those sent to Pine Eidge and to Fort Leavenworth together

340 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

numbered se venty- five, who survived of the band of 320 who
fled from the agency in the Indian Territory on the night of
September 9, 1878.

No man who is familiar with the antecedents of the North-
ern Cheyennes will assert that the attempt to assimilate them
with their southern namesakes was in any sense proper. All
conversant with the facts will admit that it was a mistake.
Eor long j-ears in the past, there was no affiliation. They
Avere separate and ■ distinct. Hence, the commission of
1867-8 made a separate and distinct treaty with them. When
they had an opportunity, they sought a connection in treaty
relations with the Sioux, and were, by the agreement of 1876,
incorporated with them. Congress, for years preceding that
time, made it a condition that the annuities to be paid them un-
der the treaty of May 10, 1868, should only be paid on their going
south, and this they would not do. Xbere was a strong at-
tachment between them and the Red Cloud Sioux, and instead
of being sent south in 1877, they should have been allowed to
join these Sioux. The only treaty or agreement that guar-
anteed them rations was the one in which they were as-
sociated with the Sioux — that of September 20, 1876. The
military have held that Dull Knife's band were moved to
break away from the southern agency, in September, 1878,
because they were being starved. The agent and the com-
missioner of Indian affairs say that this is not true. The
charge of the military appears to have been based on a letter
written by Col. Lewis to Gen. Sheridan, shortly before the
outbreak. This officer was stationed at Fort Dodge, nearly
250 miles from the camp of the Cheyennes. He had never
visited the Indiana, and hence had no personal knowledge in
the premises. He, it was said, got his information from a
military scout employed at Camp Supply, Indian Territory.
In an engagement with Dull Knife's band, as they went north,
Col. Lewis fell, and hence can not now speak on the subject.
Gen. Pope also states, though he had not the information of-
ficially, that when the commanding officer (he does not name
him) overtook the Indians, he called Dull Knife to one side,
and told him that he did not wish to attack the Indians, and
requested the chief to return to the agency without resist-

OUR I^^DIAN WARDS. 341

ance ; but the chief replied that the government had not com-
plied "with its promises ; that they had waited patiently for
supplies; that they could not starve, and were going back to
their old hunting grounds ; that, rather than return to the
reservation, they would die in their tracks. In a report made
by the commissioner of Indian affairs, on the 16th of Ifovem-
ber, 1878, he makes such an exhibit of rations furnished as
would lead to the impression that the Indians were fully sup-
plied with the beef ration. The agent admits that for sev-
eral issues preceding the departure of these Indians there was
no flour issued to them, but, in lieu thereof, there was an
extra issue of beef. It is a fact, however, that the sum appro-
priated by Congress for the subsistence and civilization of the
Arapahoes, Cheyennes, Apaches, Kiowas, Comanches, and
Wichitas, for' the fiscal year ending June 30, 1879, is $10,000
less than the appropriation for the same purposes was pre-
vious to the transfer of the IS'orthern Cheyennes to the In-
dian Territory. Thus, while the population was increased,
the gross appropriation for its support was reduced. More-
over, the annuity of ten dollars per head, which had
been regularly appropriated for the benefit of the roaming
Northern Cheyennes, up to the end of the fiscal year ending
June 30, 1878, was cut off" by Congress, and disappears in the
appropriations for the year ending June 30, 1879. This item
would amount to $9,720, which, had it been appropriated,
could, under the discretionary authority as to its use, have
been applied to ration these Indians. Whatever the fact may
be as to the supply of food, or the cause of leaving the
agency and going north, the conduct of the military, in their
remorseless and inhuman butchery of these Indians, can find
no justification.

342 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

CHAPTER XVII.

The Sioux Commission op 1876. — Correspondekce of Generals McKenzie,
Cbook, and Sheridan, in relation to the Indians and the operations
OF the Commission. — The removal op the Comanche and Kiowa In-
dians from Fort Sill to the Wichita agency. — Illustrations of the
frankness and candor op high military officers.

The officers of the army affirm that, by reason of their in-
telligence, integrity, business habits, and experience, they are
especially qualified for the peculiar duties necessary to the
proper care and training of the Indian race. Gen. Sherman
states, without hesitation, that to give the care of the Indians
to the army is to assure not only fidelity, humanity, and econ-
omy in the conduct of their aflrairs, but that it would elimi-
nate from the Christian influences among them that " cant
and hypocrisy," which now pervade the civil service.

In this connection, and by way of illustrating the conduct
of high military officers, it is proposed to refer to some mat-
ters that occurred in the fall of 1876, when the Sioux com-
mission were among the Indians, negotiating for the Black
Hills. It was apprehended by some of the officers at the
posts that the commission had some power to, or that its ac-
tion would, in some way, bring the- Sioux war to a close.
Unfortunately, the instructions of the commission were such
that the question was not touched by it in any of the councils
held with the Indians, nor- was one word embodied in the
agreement it made with the Sioux in reference to the war.
The Indians did appeal to the commission to help them " rub
the war out;" that it was not an Indian war, but a white
man's war. But no authority being found, in the instructions
to warrant interference, the war phase was not touched. But
the military officers were quite anxious on the subject ; and
the remark that the army had " the matter in hand, and ought
not to be interfered with," was frequently heard. The mili-
tary then had possession of the agemsies at Red Cloud, Spot-
ted Tail, and Standing Rock, with^rmy officers discharging

OUR INDIAN "WARDS. 343

the duties of Indian agents. At Cheyenne river the civil
agent could not issue a ration of sugar or coffee without the
permission of the commander of the garrison. They expected
soon to possess all the agencies, and their plans for future op-
erations and the management of the Indians through the mil-
itary arm were substantially settled, and any step that looked
to an interference with these plans was not agreeable to the
military gentlemen at any of the agencies, and was very dis-
tasteful to the higher officers.

By their instructions the Sioux commission was informed
that the president was " strongly impressed with the belief
that the agreement whiph shall be best calculated to enable
the Indians to become self-supporting is one which shall pro-
vide for their removal, at as early a day as possible, to the
Indian Territory, and that the solution of the difficulties
which now surround the Sioux; problem can be best reached
by such removal.'' The instructions, among other things, said:
" Their main dependence for support must ultimately be the
cultivation of the soil, and fot this purpose their own country
is utterly unsuited." If it were deemed necessary to enable
the commission fb incorporate a clause into the agreement
providing for the transfer of the Sioux to the Indian Terri-
tory, to send a delegation of the. Sioux down to examine the
country, authority for that purpose was given in the instruc-
tions ; and in the exercise of this' authority, and deeming it
only just to the Indians that they should send a delegation of
their best men to the territory to examine the same, provision
for that purpose was made in the agreement, and a delegation
representing all the bands at both Bed Cloud and Spotted
Tail agencies was finally sent to and did explore considerable
of the territory. Some of the cohimission had doubts as to
the propriety of incorporating such a provision in the agree-
ment, not because it was not deemed desirable, if practicable,
to transfer the Sioux to the territory, but it was feared that
the Indian nations who owned and possessed it, would not en-
tertain the proposition favorably, and hence that evil might
result. As it turned out, the delegation were received with-
great favor, and wherever they went among the civilized In-
dians they were greeted with expressions of friendship, and

344 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

deep interest was manifested in their welfare. The speech of
the principal chief of the Creek Indians, welcoming the del-
egation, made at the council-house at Okmulgee, in the Creek
nation, is a model speech, and contained this paragraph, not only
of welcome, but of invitation. He said : " We believe our right
to our soil and our government, which is best suited to our pe-
culiar necessities, would be safer if all our race were united
together here. That is my earnest wish. Then I think the
rising generation could be educated and civilized, and what is
still better, christianized, which I believe would be the great-
est benefit of all. This would be to our mutual benefit and
good. I know I express the minds of our people when I
give you this welcome to our life of a higher civilization,
which is better than the old life so long led by our race in the
past."

All the Sioux at the agencies on the Missouri, except the
small band of Santee Sioux, expressed an unwillingness to
send delegations to visit the Indian Territory, and they were
relieved from the obligation. Hence, under the agreement,
none of these bands of Sioux, except those at Spotted Tail
and Red Cloud, and the Santee Sioux, (had Congress ratified
this clause of the agreement,)could have been subject to re-
moval to the Indian Territory. The number at these agen-
cies was about 12,000 or 13,000. They were not all, at the
time, prepared to be transplanted, but, under a judicious sys-
tem of colonization, thirty-three per cent, of them per year
could with safety have been removed. If the experiment
proved successful, which it is believed it would have been, in
a few years, the Sioux of the Missouri valley would have fol-
lowed, and thus this interesting group of our native popula-
tion would have been emancipated from the degradation and
pauperism that must be their fate if kept on their present
reservation, and concentrated according to the suggestions
and recommendations of Gen. Sherman and Gen. Sheridan,
Avho urged, in the fall of 1876, that "they be compelled to
remove to the Missouri river, near Fort Kandall, where they
can be guarded and fed at one-halfthepresent cost." The
idea of concentrating the Sioux at or near Fort Randall, or
any other point on the Missouri or cl8ewhere,where the soil

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 345

can not be cultivated successfullj', there to be treated like
brutes and fed like wild beusts, is simply revolting. Any
place that does not offer a reasonable prospect for self-sup-
port, by cultivating the soil and herding combined, should
not be regarded as their permanent home. It is doubtful
whether there be such place within the Sioux reservation.

President Grant approved of the agreement which the com-
mission made with the Sioux, Northern Cheyennes, and Arap-
ahoes, but Congress struck out the paragraph providing for
the removal of a portion of them to the Indian Territory.
When the delegation returned home from the exploration of
the country, the agents then being ai-my officers, the mem-
bers were not permitted to make report of their proceedings,
or the opinion formed of the country explored, to the Indians
who sent them on the errand. . Generals Sherman, Shgridan,
Crook, and McKenzie were all oppo^itQjthje-uemoval of the
Sioux, or any part of them, to the territory, not in sentiment
merely, but their opposition was open and active, notwith-
standing the measure was recommen ded by the jjresident.

That such a measar5"'woriI3^^meet with opposition from
such sources as desired this Indian Territory thrown open to
the whites, was to be expected ; and this opposition would be
powerfully backed by such railroad interests as had covetous
eyes upon the territory, and desired land grants therein.
IJnfortunately, CongressjBee nas to be un der the influence of
these classes, notwithstanding the scandal and downright cor-
ruption that has grown out of land grants in the past.- •

The first opposition, however, to the proposed transfer of a
portion of the Sioux to the Indian Territory, did not come
from this class of persons, but^from the army. The agree-
ment was executed by the commissionlind the authorized
representatives of the Indians, at Red Cloud agency on the
20th, and at Spotted Tail on the 23d of September, 1876;
and the commission left Red Cloud agency, on the 26th of the
month, for Sidney, and thence to' the Indians on the Mis-
souri. General Crook Was at Red Cloud agency on the 20th
of September, and left that day for Fort Laramie, where Gen-
eral Sheridan and General McKenzie then were. On the
evening of September 24th, General McKenzie returned to

346 ^ OUR INDIAN "WARDS.

Camp Robinson, of which he was commander. It is situated
about two miles from Red Cloud agency. On the 30th of
September, he prepared and put in form a document, the sub-
stance of which was no doubt agreed upon at Fort Laramio.
General Crook knew, before he left Red Cloud, that a con-
clusion had been reached, and that the Indians were about to
execute the agreement. This document of General McKen-
zie has never been published. It is proposed to incorporate
it herein, with the productions of Generals Crook, Sheridan,
and Sherman — all apparently based upon it. They are all
precious specimens of military literature. The date, as has
been stated, is September 30, 1876, and the document is ad-
dressed to General Crook, then just arrived at Omaha. It
reads as follows :

"My Dear General: The state of affairs here is about this.
The commission, which was appointed by the secretary of the
interior some weets ago, left here last Tuesday. The In-
dians have agreed, as I am informed, to move to the Missouri
or the ludiau Territory, and to send a delegation, from each
band, to look at the latter country. They will undoubtedly
perform the latter part of their agreement, i. e., send men to
the Indian country — a small part, in ray judgment, in good
faith; but the larger part, in my opinion, to gain time. Just
prior to the arrival of the commissiou, the various bands
of Sioux were called on by me to "give up such hostile In-
dians as had returned. They were called on, in pursuaucia of
my instructions from my military superiors ; and these in-
structions were issued, I believe, in accordance with the joint
wishes of the secretary of tlie interior, of the secretary of war,
and the general of the army, and with the approval of the
president. It was carefully explained to the leaders of the
various bands, that this demand was not made simply by me;
but at the instance of the highest civil and military officials
of the government.

" l^ow these Indians, in the face of this knowledge, have
willfully and obstinately failed to give up any of the parties
known to be in any of their camps, and who have been ab-
sent engaged in war, and atrocities outside of war.

" Now very soon a part of the gentlemen of this commis-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 347

sion, I believe, may be expected back, for the purpose of car-
rying away, to the Indian Territory, certain of the principal
Indians, for the purpose before set forth ; and, unfortunately,
many of those who are likely to be taken are the, very men
who have most conspicuously failed to act loyally toward the
government of the United States; and also use, to their
utmost, their influence to shield the class of malignant crim-
inals to whom I have referred.

"It is well to mention in this connection, that in my re-
marks to these Indians, I have taken care to explain that I
make this demand, instead of at once proceeding with soldiers
to make the arrest, for the reason that the soldiers did not
know the individual, and that in the event of a camp being
surrounded by soldiers, it was always to be apprehended, that
through the folly or wickedness of a few evil-disposed Indians,
or even a single individual, to bring on a very serious col-
lision, which might involve the death of many innocent men,
and in the end was sure to entail lasting troubles on any In-
dians who might desire to do right. I will give you but two
instances of individual Indians, though they might be mul-
tiplied to include the vast majority of them at the Eed Cloud
and Spotted Tail agencies. Eed Cloud and Spotted Tail at
the present moment, and have without doubt for weeks, been
concealing and endeavoring to exculpate this very worst class
of criminals. They are treating with utter contempt my
authority as the chief representative of the government of the
United States here present, and they are doing this with the
full knowledge that my orders are given from the most
humane of motives, and given, too, with the belief that such
a course has, in similar circumstances, avoided collision with
the larger bands of the southern- plains, and they are thus
acting knowing that my orders are just, and that they are no
emanation from myself, but from the very highest officers of
the government.

"As for reasons which are deemed wisest, it has been
thought best not immediately to act. It seems to be very
important that those chiefs be not allowed to leave this
country with any civil agents of the government, to look at
the Indian Territory, or for any other purpose.

348 OUR INDIAN -WARDS.

"There is to my mind, from the utter and wide-spread con-
tempt of the highest authority, a temporary existence of mar-
tial law, and I believe myself to be justified in preventing at
this time any departure of any Indians, under the instructions
of any civil officer, no matter what his rank, or any civil
official from exercising any authority so far as regards these
Indians, or holding any communication with them.

" Now I wish to avoid the possibility of any clash of author-
ity, and therefore wish to urge on you, general, the propriety
of procuring from the president the suspension of any action
resulting from the agreement of the recent commission, for such
period as in your own good judgment may be desirable. I
wish to urge on you, and through you in such manner as you
may deem most fitting, on our superiors, up to the president,
alike the military and civil head of the government, that it
would be in my judgment (while believing these Indians
ought to be transferred to the Indian Territory as soon as it
possibly can be done) utterly wrong in their present con-
dition, as regards arms, and in their present defiant atti-
tude toward the government, to send them there, should
they all be willing to go to-morrow. It would be cruel alike
to the citizens of the surrounding country and to the Indians,
on whom the heaviest weight must in the end inevitably fall.

" In closing I wish to urge on you, and through you on my
superiors, and I would very much like my opinion to go to
the president, that it is of the greatest importance at once, as
a military matter, and as a matter of humanity, as regards
soldiers, frontiersmen, and Indians, that there be no further
communication with the Sioux at Red Cloud and Spotted
Tail agencies, except through the military authorities. "With
the recent commission I am happy to be able to say that I
have had no clash whatever, and endeavored in every way to
oblige them."

On the receipt of this most extraordinary document at
Omaha, Gen. Crook, on the 2d of October, 1876, forwarded it
to Gen. Sheridan, at Chicago, with the following indorsement:

" Respectfully forwarded. I heartily concur in the views of
Gen. McKenzie. These agencies are and have been the head
and front of all the trouble and hostilities which have been in

OUE INDIAN WARDS. 349

progress. They are and have been regular depots of recruits
and supplies. Many of the very Indians who have been out
all summer are now there with the arms and booty of their
summer's w^ork, and they do not intend to give up either the
arms or the Indians themselves. The parties to the late
treaty or agreement are not representative men, and there is
no doubt but they are simply doing all they can to gain time.
I am certain that unless something positive is done, we shall
have to go through the same thing next summer that we
have this."

On the 13th of October, 1876, Gen. Sheridan forwarded the
communication of Gen. McKenzie, with the hearty iudorse-
ment of Gen. Crook, to Gen. Sherman, at Washington City,
with this additional indorsement :

" Kespectfully forwarded. I have felt deeply the embarrass-
ment brought about by the presence and, action of the com-
mission, referred to in this communication, to say nothing
about the unfortunate results which may follow. There is
scarcely an instance, in the settlement of this widely-extended
country, where the Indians have left their places of abode,
until after the conclusion of a fierce strife which disabled and
broke them down; and the very propositions made by the
Sioux to go to the Indian Territory, are suflicient to induce
every able-bodied man to take the field ; and there is not, in
my mind, the slightest doubt that every Sioux Indian capable
of bearing arms is now getting ready to take the field in
the spring. The paper presented by the commission, and
signed by the Indians under protest (at least in their hearts),
was only signed to carry them over the winter. The Indians
who are out arid actively hostile, have been sufficiently en-
couraged to continue out, believing that they will be joined
by all now at the agencies, in the spring.

" There does not seem to have been a thought about where
the Indians, amounting to over 30,000, are to be located in
the Indian Territory, or the disastrous effect their presence
will have on the Indians there, now doing so well. The action
of the commission can have no other result than crippling, as
it has already done, the action of the military, and produce
confusion and calamity."

350 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Gen. McKenzie's document, thus doubly indorsed, and for-
warded to General Sherman, was, on the 17th of October,
sent to the secretary of war, with copy for the secretary of
the interior, thus indorsed by him:

" Respectfully submitted to the secretary of war, with copy
for the interior department, and in connection with Licut.-
Gen. Sheridan's letter of September 30, 1876, submitted, with
copy, on the 14{h instant.

"It is rare that we have in such close connection the frank
opinions of three such able men and officers as this paper
contains, viz : Generals McKenzie, Crook, and Sheridan. As
one who originally negotiated with the Sioux, in the treaty
of 1868, and who had much intercourse with them, I must
say that I agree with Gen. Sheridan in the belief that the
Sioux will never migrate, willingly, to the Indian reservation
south of Kansas, in good faith, for the avowed purpose of
becoming agriculturists, or to raise stock, as a means of sub-
sistence. They are essentially savage, by nature and tradition,
and will never leave the mountain region on the east slope of
the Rocky Mountains, without compulsion. The young war-
riors believe themselves invincible, and are, in fact, dangerous
foes, not to be despised. The older men and families may be
moved near the Missouri river, where their necessary supply
of food can be delivered them at less cost than where they%
now are, and this will be one step in the direction of wean-
ing them from their habits of war and hunting — ^the only life
they consider becoming their character as warriors. This
would leave the eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains to be
tilled up by ni^iners and grazing fa rms, north of Laramie,
similar to thoseoFXJolorado, south of Cheyenne. ~Rear the
Black Hills, Custer City, or Deadwood will probably result a
settlement of whites, likejignver, able to defend themselves.
This would aid the military in the final~task of compelling
the Sioux to live in a contracte"d""space, like the Kiowas, Co-
manches, and Cheyennes, now near Fo"rT ^ill, and would end
this last work of Indian subjugation on the great plains. I
submit this case to the careful study of thepresideut and the
secretary of the interior." ' ~~- —

It is believed that the production of Gen. McKenzie, of

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 351

September 30, 1876, has not a precedent in the whole range
of military correspondence. A subordinate o fficer, in com-
mand of Camp Eobinson, near Red Cloud agency, apparently
on his own mofibn, prepares a document, the intent and de-
sign of which was to arrest the progress of the negotiations
of the commission created by an act of Congress, acting under
instructions from the president, and who, in their councils
with the Indians, and in the agreement proposed for execu-
tion with them, had kept strictly within the bounds of their
authority ; and so intent was he in his purpose, that he ap-
peals to Gr en. Crook to procure from^jthe_pre8ident the sus-
pension of any action growing out of the agreement, which,
at the time, had been executed by the Indians, at Red Cloud
and Spotted Tail agencies, and the commission had left for
other an d dista nt_ agencies^ o submit the agreement to the
Indian s residing at them. Gen. McKenzie urged his views on
Gen. Cr ook, and thr ough him, on their superiors, up to the
president, alike the military__and civ il head of the govern-
ment. This was a very bold step, and one which it is be-
lieved Gen. McKenzie never would have taken, if he had not
known that his immediate superior s stood ready to back him.
This was done by both G^n. Crook and Gen. S heridan. The
first heartily concurred " in the views o^" Gen. McKenzie."
The latter was in full accord, and affirmed that the action of
the commission could have no other result than the crippling,
as it had already done, the action of the military, and thus
produce confusion and calamity. Thus McKenzie's docu-
ment reached Gen. Sherman, but one step from the portals
of the executive mansion,~ancrotrthe 17th of October, 1876,
a copy of the budget was transmitted by him to the secretary
of the interior, and the secretary of war, "with the request
that it have " the earnest study of the president audthejec^
retary of the interior."

The secretary of war, it is presumed, was already in full
accord with the generals of the army. Gen. Sherman intro-
duces his indorsement thus : " It is rare that we have in such
close connection the frank opinions of three such able men
and officers as this paper contains, viz : Generals McKenzie,
Crook, and Sheridan." The first prepares and dates his pa-

352 * OUR inbiajSt wards.

per at Camp Eobinson ; the second makes his indorsement at
Omaha, and the third submits his views from Chicago. They
appear to be the opinions of each formed independently and
without concert or collusion. When, however, the fact is
stated that these "able men and officers " were_Jog:eiherat
Fort Laramie, fi:pm the evening of_tlie_21atJ;o_lJie_fprenoon
of the 23d of September; that the agreement was execut:ed
at Red Cloud on the 20th of September, and thfiX-fflere aware
of that fact; tliat the very presence of the commission among
the Indians disturbed the military mind very much — there can
be no doubt the whole question was discussed a t Laram ie,
and the plan of operations agreed upon, the initiative to be
taken by Gen. McKenzie, who then knew that these superiors
would indorse and support his suggestions and recommenda-
tions. The fact of the caucus at Fort Laramie dissipates en-
tirely the idea of independent thought and action on the part
of these " able men and officers." Now as' to the statements
made by them.

The insubordination which Gen. McKenzie said existed
among the agency Indians at Red Cloud and Spotted Tail,
was not observed by the commission, nor did they hear of it.
The commission arrived at Red Cloud on the 7th of Septem-
ber, and remained there, and at Spotted Tail, until the 25th
of the month. The members mixed freely with, and had
ample opportunities to arrive at correct conclusions as to the
temper of the Indians, and their views, feelings, and desires.
They saw nothing and heard nothing to justify the opinion
that the Indians were hostile and insubordinate, or that the
camps were infested with malignant criminals. They did
learn that there were bands of Indians in that region, as well
as in the region of Standing Rock and Cheyenne river, who
were out and desired to return, but were unwilling to be de-
spoiled of their property, when they did do so, and hence re-
mained away. An incident occurred at Red Cloud, shortly
before the commission arrived there, that indicated that the
Indians were disposed to carry out the suggestion of Gen.
McKenzie. It was this : Sioux Jim, an inferior chief of thej
band of American Horse, who had been absent from thej
agency, returned home, when American Horse told him he

OUK INDIAN WAEDS. 353

must surrender himself, and give up his ponies and arms.
Jim refused to do this. His chief insisted, and he still re-
fused, when American Horse shot him on the spot, placed the
body in his wagon, and bore his remains to Camp Robinson,
and turned them over to the military. As to Red Cloud and
Spotted Tail, each gave evidence of a desire to comply with
the wishes of the government, such as hostile men would not
have manifested.

When Gen. Crook followed up his hearty indorsement of
Gen. McKenzie's paper with the remark that " many of the
very Indians who have been out all summer, are now there
with the arms and booty of their summer's work," he stated
for fact that of which he had no personal knowledge what-
ever ; and when he asserted that the Indians who were parties
to the agreement were " not representative men," he stated
that which was not true, and their conduct afterward proved
that they were sincere, and not simply acting to gain time.

Gen. Sheridan's indorsement of the fabrications of Gen.
McKenzie are followed with the assertion that "the very
proposition made by the Sioux to go to the Indian Territory,
is sufficient to induce every able-bodied man to take the field,
and there is not in my mind the slightest doubt that every
Sioux Indian capable of bearing, arms is now getting ready to
take the field in. the spring," and that the paper signed by
them " was only signed to carry them over the winter." The
fact was, that the proposition to visit the Indian Territory
caitoe from the commission, and not fro m the Indi ans, and it

was one of the moituifficult matters to get them to agree to
it. Gen. Sheridan also said that the action of the commis-
sion on the Indians then out and actively hostile"", had been
■ sufficient to encourage them to continue out, believing that
they would be.joine"cl by allTTow at the agencies in the spring;
and Gen. Crook expressed the opinion that the military, be-
cause of what the commission had done, would " have to go
through the same thing next summer." Events proved all
the statements and predictions of these gentlemen, as to the
present status and future designs of these agency Indians,
false and unfounded; and Gen. Sheridan himself seemed to
23

354 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

have forgotten, in less than a month, all that he had asserted
and predicted on the 13th of October, about the agency In-
dians, when he indorsed and forwarded the McKenzie paper.
He even felt free from the "embarrassment brought about by
the presence and action of the commission," and said, in a
dispatch to Gen. Sherman of the 10th of November, 1876,
that Crook and McKenzie had only then to hunt up and deal
with the band of Northern Cheyennes and the band of Crazy
Horse, and if successful, which he did not doubt, " the Sioux
war, and all other Indian wars of any magnitude in this coun-
try, will be at an end forever."

Gen. Sherman was a party to the treaty of 1868 with the
Sioux, and by it all the Sioux Indians who elected to lead a
nomadic life, were not only permitted to do so, but the faith
of the government was pledged that no white person should
settle in, or, without the consent of the Indians, travel through
the vast country called the unceded Indian country. His
honor as a soldier, as well as a man, and the honor of tlie
government, was pledged to the Sioux that they should enjoy
this hunting right, and such as lived nomads were, for thirty
years, to receive a specific annuity. Being at the head of the
army, his power was great, and here he had an opportunity
to exercise it in behalf of the rights of this hapless people.
His disapproval of the McKenzie document and its indorse-
ments would have been an act of simple justice to the Sioux;
but he failed in this duty. He not only approved of the docu-
ment, and the indorsements upon it, but in his comments
made to go with it to the secretaries of war and interior, and
also to the president for his careful study, he assumes that it
will be a meritorious act to wrest from these Indians by force
of arms all the rights guaranteed to them by the treaty of
1868.

As to the status and temper of the agency Indians at Red
Cloud and Spotted Tail, at the time referred to, instead of
being hostile malignants, they were depressed and dejected.
This was apparent to the most casual observer; and Red
Cloud's salutation to the commission on its arrival, told the
whole story. With deep feeling he said : " We are glad to
see you ; you have come to save us from death."

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 355

In referring the McKenzie document to the secretary of war,
Gen. Sherman alluded to a communication from Gen. Sheri-
dan, of the 30th of September, which he had previously for-
warded. It would seem that Gen. Sheridan was so impatient,
that he even anticipated McK«nzie^s indictment, and on the
same day that it was prepared at Camp Robinson, he wi-ote
to Gen. Sherman, from Chicago, and the latter, on the 14th
of October, submitted the letter to the war department. The
council with the Red Cloud Indians, at which the agreement
was executed, convened on the 19th and terminated on the
20th of September. Ilfeither.'Gen. Sheridan nor Gen. Mc-
Kenzie was present. They, at that time, were at Laramie.
A number of the officers frorji Camp Robinson were present
at the council. That Gen. Sheridan had advices from some
one is evident, since he states occurrences that-did take place,
and puts his own construction on theni. Here are a couple
of extracts from his letter of September 30th : " It is my
opinion that not a single Indian who signed the ultimatum
[at Red Cloud] of the commission whose heart and feelings
and intentions were not fairly and squarely represented by the
Indian who covered his eyes with his blanket when he signed
the paper. I wishto state also, in order to show the temper
exhibited by the Indians, that Sitting Bull [an Ogallalla Sioux],
while in council on the day before the agreement to sign "was
made, took his rifle in one hand and a horse-whip in the other,
and broke up the council by whipping the Indians out of it
in the presence of the commission."

Now, it is true that a young chief did draw his blanket
over his face when he " touched the pen," which was the
token of attaching his name' to the agreement. But why was
this done ? One of the commissioners "during the discussion
said at one time: "Your Great Father does not throw a
blanket over your eyes;" and at another time : " There is no
blanket over any one's eyes now. You must see the trail
perfectly straight, so there can be no possible mistake ;" and
these expressions amused some of the young men, and the
young chief threw his blanket over his face, with a jocular'
remark that caused quite a roar of laughter among the
younger Indians.

356 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

As to what Sitting Bull did to such as did not understand
the matter, it may have seemed abrupt, but there was this in
it, and nothing more. The commission pressed the Indians
toward the close of the council, on the 19th of September, to
get through with their speeches, so that before adjournment
the agreement might be executed ; but that was not contem-
plated by the Indians. There were some points which they
desired to discuss further in their own council, and hence it was
necessary that the joint council should take a recess. Sitting
Bull was the officer appointed by them to act in the character
of a sergeant-at-arms, or something of that sort, with certain
powers, and among them to do what he did. He adjourned
the meeting, and afterward did use a small horse-whip, though
not with violence, among some of the young men to disperse
them. He did not disturb one of the old men, and was in
no wise discourteous to any one of the commission.

On the return of Gen. McKenzie from Fort Laramie, one of
the officers of the garrison informed him that Eed Cloud,
Young-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horse, American Horse, and Black
Coal had spoken harshly with reference to the military then
about the agency, and it was stated to the chairman of the com-
mission, by an officer of the post, that had Gen. McKenzie been
there at the time he would have arrested these Indians, be-
cause of their remarks in this connection. The chairman ex-
pressed surprise at this statement, when the officer replied
that the general would most assuredly have done so. In view
of this fact, it seems proper to state here what these chiefs
said on the occasion, and this can be done with accuracy, since
their remarks were reduced to writing by a competent re-
porter at the time they were uttered. There was a large in-
flux of troops, both cavalry and infantry, at Camp Robinson,
and several companies of the latter were camped within a few
hundred yards of the agency. Here is what the Indians said:

Red Cloud : " "We see a great many soldiers here in our
country. We know that the duty of these soldiers is to fol-
low people that are bad throughout the western country. We
do not like to see them here. I want you to have pity on
us, and have them all taken away, and leave us alone here
with the agent of the interior department."

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 357

Young-Man- Afraid-of-his-Horse : "The soldiers have no
business in this country at all, and since I have been here I
have always tried to do right. I wish to tell you that I have
been very much ashamed ever since the soldiers came here."

American Horse : " You have come here to ask these ques-
tions, and at the same time the soldiers are living here in our
country, and it seems as if it was a very hard matter for us on
account of the soldiers being here. This is the place to hold
a peaceful council ; it is not a house that was built to fight in.
[Referring to the agency buildings.] If they should wish to
arrest anybody, they should arrest him and go away to the
country at large. I want you to tell this to the soldiers ; that
the country is very large, and that there are a great many bad
men to the north of here, and they ought to go up there after
them. "We do n't want to know any thing of this kind again.
When you go back to Washington I wish you would tell the
Great Father these exact words."

Black Coal : " This place here is the agency of the govern-
ment, a place of peace, where we and our people have lived
together happily, and behaved ourselves, and we do not un-
derstand why so many soldiers come here among us. We
have never had any trouble and have behaved ourselves, and
wish to have the soldiers sent away as soon as possible, and
leave us in peace. The people that live here have both minds
and hearts and good sense, but it seems as if the Great Father
all at once thought differently, and speaks of us as a people
that are very bad. Our only idea has been to live here in
peace, and do that which is good for the future of our people."

It is not seen that there is any thing in these utterances
that should have offended Gen. McKenzie or any one else.
The Indians had been requested by the commission to speak
freely on all matters pertaining to their business, and to state
wherein they felt aggrieved, if they did so feel. In speaking
of the presence of troops and their objection to it, they did
not say one word against any officer or soldier personally.
The commission, with all the facts before it, concurred with
the Indians, and in their report said : " We are impelled to
say that it was our unanimous recommendation that all these
Indians ought, as speedily as possible, to be placed in the

358 OUE INDIAN WABDS.

care of civil agents." From the time that the agreement made
with the Sioux by the commission of 1876, was executed by
the agency Indians at Eed Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies,
in September, 1876, until the present period, now more than
three years, the conduct of these agency Indians has been
their most complete vindication against the aspersions and
misrepresentations cast upon them in the document prepared
by Gen. McKenzie, of September 30, 1876, backed by the in-
dorsements of Generals Crook, Sheridan, and Sherman.
Though the covenants of the agreement have been shamefully
violated on our part, these Indians have observed them, and
at all times their bearing has been free from deceit and fiilse-
hood. In this regard, when their conduct is compared with
that of the military in charge of them, they are placed on
elevated ground.

In July, 1876, the House of Eepresentatives, by resolution,
called on the president to repoi't to Congress the object of the
military expeditions then operating against the Sioux Indians,
with copies of all correspondence bearing upon the origin and
necessity of these expeditious, together with all military
orders issued by the war department directing the expeditions
under Generals Terry, Crook, and Gibbon. Among the
documents sent to Congress under this call, there is a letter
addressed to the president by the secretary of war, of the date
of July 8, 1876. In this letter, and referring to the military
operations under Generals Crook and Terry, the secretary
says that the task committed to them is one of unusual diffi-
culty, which has been anticipated for years, and must be met
and accomplished. This, he says, " can no longer be delayed,
and every thing will be done by the department to insure suc-
cess, which is necessary to give even the assurance of com-
parative safety to the important but scattered interests which
have grown up in that remote and almost inaccessible portion
of our national domain." The secretary adds that " the pres-
ent military operations are not against the Sioux nation at all,
but against certain hostile parts of it which defy the govern-
ment. . . . No part of these operations is on or near the
Sioux reservation. . . . The object of these military ex-
peditions was in the interest of the peaceful parts of the Sioux,

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 359

supposed to embrace at least nine-tenths of the whole, and not one
of those peaceful or treaty Indians has been molested by the
military authorities." There is also among the documents
sent to Congress in reply to the call, a letter from Gen. Sheri-
dan, of May 29, 1876, addressed to Gen. Sherman. In this he
details the movements of the several columns of troops in the
districts assigned to Generals Terry and Crook respectively.
He cites the operation of three distinct columns, then in
motion, and says : " Gen. Terry will drive the Indians toward
the Big Horn valley, and Gen. Crook will drive them back
toward Terry ; Col. Gibbon moving down on the north side
of the Yellowstone to intercept, if possible, such as may want
to go north of the Missouri to the Milk river. The results
of the movements of these three columns may force many of
the hostile back to the agencies on the Missouri river, and to
the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies on the northern line
of l!febraska, luhere nearly eoery Indian, man, woman, and
child, is a^j!£curt_ajriend."

In thfe annual report of Gen. Sherman, of the date of ISTo-
vember 10, 1876, after reciting the misfortunes of the troops,
and the fall of Gen. Custer, he states that Sitting Bull and his
followers having seemed to retreat north, and several small
parties of warriors who had been in the Custer fight, having
" returned to the several agencies," Gen. Sheridan " resolved s^
to resume his original pldn of dismounting and disarming the A
friendly Indians at the agencies, so that hereafter they could
not reinforce the hoStiles." And the secretary of war, in his
annual report, axMres^d to the president, on the 20th of No-
vember, 1876, in referring to the active military operations
against the Sioux, and calling the attention of the president
to the accompanying report of Gen. Sherman, to which he
suggests that it is unnecessary to^ add any thing, says: " But I
wish to bring out in its full prominence the important fact
that a vigorous effort is now being made, and so far with suc-
cess, to disarm and_dismount the agencyJCndians ;" and with
the success of thislneasure, he tFmks theTSatan problem ap-
proaches solution, and coincides with Gen. Sheridan in the
opinion that " the Sioux war, and all other Indian^ wars in
this country of any magnitude, will be over forever."

360 OUR indiajST wards.

Here we have Gen. Sheridan, on the 29th of May, 1876, as-
suring Gen. Sherman that at the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail
agencies at least, if his language does not cover all the Sioax
agencies, " nearly every Indian, man, woman, and child, is at
heart a friend ;" and the secretary of war, on the 8th of July
of the same year, assuring the president that no part of the
military operations were on or near the Sioux reservation or
against the Sioux nation, but against a refractory and hostile
part, not exceeding one-tenth of the whole number; that in
fact the expeditions were in the interest of the peaceful parts
of the Sioux, numbering at least nine-tenths of the whole
nation, and that " not one of these peaceful or treaty Indians
had been molested by the military authorities," and yet con-
cealing the fact that the original plan of the campaign in-
augurated the February previous, contemplated the seizure
of all the horses, mules, and ponies, as well as the arms of the
friendly agency Indians, and at the very time that the secre-
tary of war thus wrote to the president, the troops of both
Generals Terry and Crook were on their way to commit tliis
act of vandalism, which being accomplished, is with exulta-
tion recorded in the annual reports of the secretary of war
and the general of the army made the November. following.

This robbery of the agency Indians is referred to at some
length in Chapter XV. of this work, and the number of
horses, mules, and ponies taken is given. §ince that chapter
was prepared, it has been shown in the testimony taken by
the joint committee in December, 1878, that the actual number
of ponies taken from the Indians at Standing Rock was 2,000,
and not 1,700 ; and the actual number taken from Cheyenne
river was 2,200, and not 1,300.* It is believed- that, including
those taken from Crazy Horse's band in 1877, the number of
animals taken at Red Cloud was about 3,000, making in all
more than 7,000. These were all disposed of, and for the
2,200 taken from the Indians at Cheyenne I'iver agency, the
military returned, as the product of the sale, 450 cows. In
the account rendered the Indian bureau, by the war depart-
ment, it appears that the 2,200 horses, mules, and ponies sold

* The Indians claim that at Cheyenne agency 3,072 horses were taken
from them.

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 361

for $19,412.96, and that the expense of selling them was
$5,683. The residue $13,729.96 was invested in tbe cows.
The net price yielded from the sale of the animals belonging
to the Indians was $6.25 per head, and the price paid for the
450 cows bought for them was $30.51 per head. Thus it
eeems that an expert, well qualified military agent, who is
without "cant and hypocrisy," is absolutely able, with six
head of animals taken from an Indian herd, to return to the
band one cow. The military agent at Standing liock did not
do quite so well, since there were only returned to the Indians
300 cows, as the product of the sale of 2,000 horses, mules, and
ponies. It is but proper to state that the Indian herds are, in
the main, Indian ponies. These were, however, very superior
animals. Of those taken from Red Cloud agency, it does not
appear that any return has been made of that transaction. It
was stated that the animals of the band of the chief Eed
Cloud were taken to Fort Laramie, and 350 of them were
given to the Pawnee scouts, serving under Gen. Crook, for a
remount, and that the balance were sold at about five dollars
per head. In a letter from the chief Red Cloud, written Jan-
uary 14, 1879, he says, in speaking of the military seizure of
the arms and animals of himself and his people, in the fall of
1876 : " I ask who got the benefit of all those horses, and all
the robes and rich dresses that were taken out of our tepees ?
"Were they sold ? Did the government get the money? We
did not." In the same letter, the old chief, in speaking of the
condition of the Indians and their needs, said: "I know the
army well, and I know they will never learn us these things,
... I do not think the military would bring their hearts
into the Indian work. ... We can never do any thing
unless we take our hearts with us. . . . One thing I do
know they are very unreasonable, asking or ordering one
thing to-day and another to-morrow, and if we are not quite
as fast as some hot-headed officer thinks we should be, he
takes our horses, burns our tepees, and the Great Spirit knows
this has often been done when there was no just cause."

In August, 1878, it was, for reasons deemed suflicient, de-
cided to consolidate the Fort Sill and Wichita Indian agencies.
On the 9th of August, the president approved of the measure,

362 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

and by it the Comanche and Kiowa Indians were to be re-
moved from Fort Sill to the old Wichita agency. When agent
Hunt, in pursuance of instructions, removed these Indians, as
a precautionary measure, he notified Gen. Pope of the fact,
and requested him to send a troop of cavalry to the Wichita
agency, to remain there for a brief time. This request was,
by Gen. Pope, forwarded to Gen. Sheridan, with an indorse-
ment to the effect that he had no troops to fill the order,
coupled with a remonstrance against the removal of the In-
dians from Fort Sill, since it was to be done without any suf-
ficient reasons known to the military! On the 14th of Septem-
ber, Gen. Sheridan forwarded the papers to the adjutant-
general's office, with the following remarks : " I fully indorse
the views of Gen. Pope, and am well satisfied, after an ex-
perience of more than twenty years, that the principal objec-
tion to troops at Indian agencies, and the removal of Indian
agencies away from military posts, has, for its main motive, a
desire to cheat and defraud the Indians, by avoiding the pres-
ence of officers who would naturally see and I'eport it." It
will be observed that agent Hunt had nothing to do in this
consolidation and removal, except to obey the orders of his
superiors, and when he did remove his Indians to Wichita, he
requested that a troop of cavalry be sent to the consolidated
agency ; and yet the lieutenant-general could see nothing in
the transaction but a scheme on his part to get the Indians
away from Fort Sill, so that he could cheat them. Mr. Schurz,
secretary of the interior, deemed the remarks of Gen. Sheridan
as insulting, and requested the secretary of war to inform him
that those who determined this measure were, " in point of
integrity, honor, and sense of duty, fully his equals, and that
to indulge in opprobrious reflections upon their motives, is an
act of impropriety so gross that it can not pass without a cor-
responding rebuke." This note was sent by the secretary of war
to Gen. Sherman and by him to Gen. Sheridan, "for perusal, and
to be returned with any remarks he may think proper to make."
On the 15th of November, the note was returned by Gen. Sheri-
dan, with comments. He said the indorsement made by him,
and referred to by Secretary Schurz, was general, and intended
to cover operations for a period of twenty years; and his only

OUR INDIAN WAEBS. 363

object in making it, was to put a stop, if possible, to the
appalling waste of army appropriations that attended the re-
moval of Indian agencies, and which called loudly for reform.
Referring to the language used by the secretary of the in-
terior, he said : " There can be no excuse for this, but his want
of knowledge on the subject, and that does not excuse the
stilted tone and the lauguage used."

In order to enlighten, not only the secretary of the interior,
but the public, and at the same time vindicate himself, Gen.
Sheridan offers a number of instances of the establishment
and removal of Indian agencies. The principal ones are here
given, in his own language. He says :

" The agency of the Ogallalla Sioux, ten or twelve years
ago, was at Fort Laramie, an expensive post, built to control
the ludians. The agency was removed from it by the Indian
bureau, to avoid the presence of the military. Shortly after-
ward, the necessity of a military force compelled the bureau
to ask for troops to be sent to Camp Eobiuson, and a new
post was built there, at an expense which the general of the
army can well comprehend.

« The Spotted Tail, or Brule Sioux, were at the Whet-
stone agency, on the Missouri river, not far from where Fort
Randall had been built, to give it and other interests pro-
tection ; but these Indians were removed to Camp Sheridan,
two hundred and fifty miles further west; and being unable,
after a time, to get along without troops, a new post had to
be established there, at great expense. These Indians have
ao-ain been moved, and two more posts established. They
are now at Wounded Knee and Big White Clay, and by and
by the necessity of troops will compel the erection of new
posts at each of these locations.

" These removals have cost us hundreds of thousands of
dollars, and no one can tell how soon a new change may be

made.

" The Indians now at Standing Rock were first located at
Grand river, and a military post was requested, and estab-
lished, to help govern them. Soon afterward, they were re-
moved to Standing Rock, and being unable to do without
troops, the post of Grand river had to be removed there."

364 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Gen. Sheridan cites several other agencies, which, he al-
leges, were subject to the same process of establishment, re-
moval and change, as those here quoted. It is not deemed
necessary to present them, since those given ahove will serve
to test the accuracy of his statements, and enable the reader
to judge of their sufficiency as a justification for the indorse-
ment he made on the report of Gen. Pope. Eeferring to the
various changes which he specifies in his exhibit. Gen. Sheri-
dan says, that " these removals, which have already absorbed
millions of our appropriations in the last ten years, would
naturally suggest the inquiry : What was the reason which
influenced them ? It could not have been better soil, or less
expense, because the soil was no better, and the expense of
supply was greater. These changes, and the reports of army
officers, from the highest to the lowest (and which are to |be
found in the office of the general of the army), on the subject
of bad management, fraud, and corruption, will furnish the
best and most reliable evidence to sustain the remark made."

He repeats that the main cause of the removal of Indian
agencies was hostility toarmy officers, on account of their
reports on the civil management of the Indians, and avers
that his sole object in making the original indorsem6nt was
in the interests of reform, and to put a stop to the " appalling
waste of army appropriations," caused by these constant re-
movals of Indian agencies. He then comes back to the mat-
ter of his original indorsement on the report of Gen. Pope,
touching the removal of the Comanche and 'Kiowa Indiaus
from Fort Sill to Wichita, and insists that it was a grave mis-
take, but does not repeat the insinuation that it was wrought
out in order that the agent might be enabled to cheat the In-
dians. r^~

In all that is said by Gen. Sheridan hqjfi^ds a ready indorser
in.Gen. Sherman. This is characteristic, since the former has
not issued any official document touching Indian affairs, from'
the time he assumed command of the department of the Mis-
souri, in the spring of 1868, until the present period, that has
not been approved by the latter ; and in turn Gen. Sheridan
has been prompt to indorse all the utterances of Gen. Sher-
man. The burden of the military literature of both has been

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 365

to depict our Ijidian population in dark colors — a race of bar-
barous, treacherous, irreclaimable savages — and the Indian
service as not only badly managed by the civil agents, but ab-
solutely corrupt. Thus, and by this sort of literature, have
the subordinate military officers been educated to decry the
Indian and malign the civil agent.

lu discussing the question of the consolidation of the Fort
Sill and Wichita agencies, and the concentration of. all the
Indians at the latter. Gen. Sherman admits that the consoli-
dation would be wise, but that Fort Sill is the proper place.
He says that to Gen./ Sheridan and himself, both being famil-
iar with the country, the removal of the Comanche and
Kiowa Indians from Fort Sill to the Wichita agency is proof
positive that deceit has been practiced by some one, and that
Gen. Pope, as well as Gen. Sheridan, attributes the change to
ejiljnotives, but that neither attributes such motives to the
president, secre tary of the interior, or commissionerjiOndian
affairs. ' _ "^

In the discussion, the fact is developed that the removal of
the Comanche and Kiowa Indians from Fort Sill was first
recommended by Col. Alvord. This was done in 1872, but a
year or two after the establishment of the agency there. He
said in his report that the agency should never have been
placed at Fort Sill. The change was afterward urged by the
superintendent of Indian affairs, then by one of the Indian
inspectors, and again by the board of Indian commissioners.
In this connection, it is proper to state that the Comanche and
Kiowa Indians were located at Fort Sill and the agency build-
ings erected by the army officers when these Indians were in
their charge. In due time the Indians and the agency buildings
were turned over to the interior department. The buildings
were so constructed that it was found necessary to prop them up
to prevent them from falling, and the stores inside of them had
to be keptcoveredtoprotectthemfromrain. When these build-
ings became utterly unserviceable, and could be used no longer,
the question of continuingthelocation atFort Sill ortransferring
the Indians to the Wichita agency became a practicable one,
and, after due consideration, the change was determined upon.
The propriety of the measure is fully discussed and demon-

366 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

straterl by the secretary of the interior in a letter dated Ho-
vember 29, 1878.

Now as to the sample cases presented by Gen. Sheridan in
justification of his sweeping statement that the main object
in the removal of Indian agencies from the presence of mili-
tary posts, was that the agents might have opportunity to
cheat them. As to the Ogallalla Sioux, they had not " ten or
twelve years ago," or at any other time, an agency at Fort
Laramie. Hence none could have been moved from there to
avoid the presence of troops. In 1868, when the commission
of which Generals Sherman, Harney, Terry, and Augur were
members, made a treaty with the Sioux, a definite reservation
was set apart for these Indians, and an additional territory
outside of such reservation was assigned as a hunting ground
for them, but Fort Laramie was not within the limits of
either. By this treaty the United States agreed to construct,
" at some place on the Missouri, near the center of the reser-
vation," all the necessary buildings for an agency. As all the
Sioux could not be concentrated at one point to execute the
treaty, a copy of it was left at Fort Laramie for signature,
not only of Sioux, but Cheyenne and Arapahoe, and other
Indians. Many bands executed it on the Missouri. The
Ogallalla Sioux (Red' Cloud's band) were the last to sign the
treaty. This they did at Fort Laramie. The commission had
provided at this pliaee for an issue of some rations to such
bands as came in to execute the treaty. It also provided for
an issue of rations for a like purpose on the North Platte.
During the summer, a special agent was sent out by the inte-
rior department to take charge of the Indians in that regioti,
but the military commander at the fort would not permit him
to act, or assume any authority in the vicinity of the fort, and
when Red Cloud's band had executed the treaty, the same
commander at once notified the special agent that "he could
not permit any more Indians to come to the post, as Fort
Laramie was not within the bounds of the Indian Territory,
and if the Indians wanted to communicate with the govern-
ment, they must go to the new reservation." The question
of the location of the agency within the reservation, evidently
had not much consideration, and when it became a practical

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 367

one, it presented many difficulties, which to the present time
have not been solved ; and hence, now, instead of one agency
on the Missouri, and near the center of the reservation, there
are within the Sioux reservation five different agencies west
of the Missouri, and two, the Crow Creek and Santee Sioux
agencies, on the east side of the river. The Ogallalla Sioux
were, as late as 1872, residing temporarily on the North Platte,
thirty miles southeast of Fort Laramie. A location for an
agency was indicated for them on White river, in the fall of
1872, and buildings erected and the Indians removed to it in
July, 1873. The military had as much to do in the selection
of the site as the civil department. In fact, it is believed that
Ked Cloud himself indicated it. This was called Red Cloud
agency, and is about two miles from Camp Robinson. At
this agency, in September, 1876, the Sioux commission found
the Ogallalla Sioux and the Northern Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes, and negotiated with them for the surrender of the Black
Hills. The law by which the commission was created, stipu-
lated that no agreement should be valid that did not require
the Indians to remove to the Missouri river. At the time of
the negotiations, there was, and had been for some time be-
fore, a military officer acting as Indian agent. The Indians
did not desire to remove to the Missouri, and disliked the
stipulation in the agreement which required them to dwell
near it. In the fall of 1877, in pursuance of the agreement,
the Ogallalla Sioux went to the Missouri river, and from
thence, in the spring of 1878, to their present location at the
Pine Ridge agency. The last removal was brought about
through the earnest solicitation of Gen. Crook, who accom-
panied a delegation to "Washington, whose mission was to
ask, on behalf of their people, that the president would per-
mit them to remove from the valley of the Missouri.

The location of the Brule Sioux, on the Missouri, at what
was called the "Whetstone agency, was made in the fall of
1868, and by Gen. Harney as the agent of Gen. Sherman. It
was an unfit location for the permanent home of any Indians,
and the only ones that did come there to dwell were those
called the Loafer band, composed of some Sioux and Chey-
enne Indians, and some whites who had intermarried with

368 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

them. Spotted Tail, and the Brules proper, of whom he was
the principal chief, never dwelt there. For several years the
Whetstone agency was in charge of a military agent, and he
found it necessary to carry the supplies of Spotted Tail and
his Indians into the interior. On account of the bad influ-
ence of the whites in the valley of the Missouri, the chief
held that it would be much better to be back from the river.
In 1872, this agency was removed to the interior, in pursu-
ance of a promise made to Spotted Tail the previous year,
when he, with a delegation of Brules, visited "Washington to
petition the president for the removal of the Indians from
the valley of the Missouri. The selection of a new location
was left with Spotted Tail and his subordinate chiefs, and
they designated the point on White river, to which they were
removed, and which was known as the Spotted Tail agency.
Here the Brule Sioux resided in 1876. They were an orderly
people, and satisfied with their home. In the agreement with
the Sioux commission of that year, they were compelled to
return to the Missouri to reside. As in the case of the Ogal-
lalla Sioux, the law creating the commission required the
Brule and all the other bands to agree in the future to receive
their rations and annuities at the Missouri river. Having ex-
ecuted the agreement with great reluctance, because of this
stipulation, in the fall of 1877, the Brule Sioux went to the
Missouri, and from thence, on their own petition, backed by
the urgent request of Gen. Crook, they were, in 1878, re-
moved to their present location at the junction of the Rose-
bud and White rivers.

The simple statement of the facts touching the original lo-
cation, and the subsequent changes, and removal of the lied
Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies, shows conclusively that
General She ridan's story, abQutthese transactions, i s with out
anyf' oun^tj on. The changes were not made, by the civil
agents, to avoid the scrutiny of the officers of the army into
their fraudulent conduct, or for any other reason. Indeed,
these had nothing to do with the matter. The military was
an active agent in the original location ; Congress required
the removal to the Missouri to be a condition of the agree-
ment with the Sioux, made in 1876 ; and the change and re-

OUR INDIAN WARDS^ 369

moval to the Pine Eidge and Eosebud agencies, where the
Indians now are, was the result of the earnest petition of dele-
gations of these Indians, made to the president in person, in
the fall of 1877, backed by the recommendation of General
Crook, who accompanied the delegations to Washington. If
these transactions with the Eed Cloud and Spotted Tail
Indians have, as General Sheridan asserts, cost the army, in
following the Indians and the establishment of new military
posts, as the locations of the agencies changed, hundreds of
thousands of dollars, there has, without any doubt, been an
alarming waste of public money. The only military posts'
established were at Camp Eobinson and Camp Sheridan, near
the old Eed Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies. Aside from
the additions made to the post of Camp Eobinson, in 1876,
and which were in no sense necessary, except as a depot for
supplies, and to shelter cavalry horses engaged in the Sioux
war of that year, all the buildings ought not to have cost:
more than |35,000 to $40,000.

The present agency at Standing Eock was originally lo-
cated at the mouth of Grand river, in the fall of 1868, by
General Harney, as the military agent of General Sherman.-
It was under the control and management of military officers-
for several years. In 1870, Captain J. A. Hearn, then acting-
as Indian agent, stated, in his annual report, that the location
was " a very poor one ; that in high water it was flooded from
the Missouri river, and also, in high water, the banks fall
away very rapidly, and in a year or two, if the banks con-
tinue falling, the buildings will fall into the river." The^
land was unsuited to cultivation, and the Indians were com-
pelled to go away to distant points, in order to find land on.
which crops could be raised. Owing to the facts stated, in
1873, the department, at Washington, decided to remove th&
agency to Standing Eock. Although but four years old, the
warehouses were then in a very dilapidated condition, and the
agent had commenced to repair them when he received official
notice that the agency was to be removed to Standing Eock,
and suspended his work.

The agency at Cheyenne river was established in the fall of

24

370 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

1868 by Gen. Harney, as the military agent of Gen. Sherman.
There was at that time a military post at Fort Sully, but this
post was on the east bank of the Missouri, and not on the
Sioux reservation. Gen. Harney established the agency on
the west bank, and some eight or ten miles above the fort.
As he was a military and not a civil agent, it is to be pre-
sumed that he did not place it on the west bank and above
the post in order " to get away " from the military at the post.
These, and a few similar cases, were presented by Gen. Sher-
idan as a justification for the use of the offensive language to
which the secretary of the interior took exception. When
examined, it is found that civil agents have had little or nothing
to do with the establishment or the removal of these agencies.
Except in the matter of the removal of the Ogallallas from
Bed Cloud (Camp Robinson), and the Brules from Spotted Tail
(Camp Sheridan), to the Missouri, which came of the agree-
ment with the Sioux commission, the credit or censure must
be awarded to the officers of the array. And if it be true,
as Gen. Sheridan asserts, that such removals in the last ten
years have absorbed millions of the army appropriations, he,
more than any other, is the gentleman on whom the responsi-
bility must rest, since during that time he has been at the
head of the military division of the Missouri. If the mil-
itary appropriations are thus squandered ; if the posts at
Camp Eobinson and Camp Sheridan, and those on the Mis-
souri above Yankton, have, as Gen. Sheridan asserts, " ab-
sorbed millions of the army appropriations " to build them,
there is indeed necessity for reform, and Congress, instead of
turning to the army for relief from real or imaginary profli-
gacy in the management of Indian affairs, should, in a busi-
ness way, look into the mode and manner in which the vast
sums expended in army disbursements are disposed of, and for
what. A thorough investigation into military management,
in all its details, at the various posts and in the Indian coun-
try, would, it is believed, point to avenues of reform and re-
trenchment, which, if pursued, would lead to important re-
sults. That this is not an idle remark, reference is had to a
«ase or two ; and, first, Fort Sill. We have the statement of

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 371

Gen. Sheridan that he established this post, and it is believed
he spent several months there. There is high military au-
thority for saying that the assistant quartermaster who was sent
to Fort Sill to build the post, reached there with " an estab-
lishment which he traveled with from Fort Harker to the post,
of floored hospital tents, cooking-stoves, and teams for his own
use that a major-general would never have thought of, and he
a captain." He was allowed twenty mechanics. "He organ-
ized them into a party of clerks, agents, overseers, and head
men, till he had no men to do any work. After hiring them a
jear and putting up one store-house, that had to be pulled
down by his successor, he was relieved." Again, there is the
same authority for stating that an assistant quartermaster,
since the war, was stationed at Fort Gibson, Indian Territory, to
build a military post. " He expended $350,000 there, mostly
for building the post, yet $30,000, properly applied, would
have produced all he could show for the money. The only
action ever taken in this case was a letter of thanks from the
•quartermaster-general, for the efficient manner in which he
had performed his duties. He at one time had sixteen young
men as clerks, agents, etc., under pay." The same authority —
military authority — makes this general remark in connection
with the performances of the assistant quartermasters at Fort
Sill and Fort Gibson : " These men all get about them a great
and costly establishment of aids and helps, that goes far to
consume any funds put in their hands. Their head clerks
become private secretaries, and are held under pay whether
their chiefs are on duty or not. These officers, or at least
many of them, have become more costly than useful." These
quotations are the exact language of an officer of the army
now in service. They are taken from a letter addressed to
Mr. Banning, the chairman of the military committee of the
House of Representatives, under date of February 6, 1876,
and he is informed in the same letter that the assistant quar-
termasters referred to as' operating at Forts Sill and Gibson
are still kept in the service. The writer'(Gen. Hazen) adds : " I
have given but two examples of a dozen I could name." The
names of the other ten and the character of their operations

372 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

as asaistant quartermasters were not called for by the militarj
committee, who, as the result of their investigations on the
9th of March, 1876, made a report to the House, urgently
recommending the transfer of the Indian bureau to the war
department, as a naeans of insuring honesty, economy, and
fairness in the administration of Indian affairs !

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 373

CHAPTER XVIII.

'The transfer qitestion in the 45th Congress. — A joint select committee

APPOINTED TO INQUIRE INTO THE SUBJECT. — ItS ACTION. TeSTIMONT OP

Gen. Sherman and others. — Remarkable testimony op Gen. Meigs. —
The cost op supporting the armt compared with the cost of support-
ing THE Indians, etc., etc.

In the month of February, 1878, the committee on Indian
.affairs of the House of Representatives, reported a bill in favor

-of'tEe' transfer of the care and custody of the Indian tribes
•from the interior to the" war department. With the report
the committee submitted the testimony of several m ilitary
officers as the basis fo^its^£tion. Prominent among these was
the testimony of Gen.'Carleto n. The reasons which this officer
.gave why the transfer should be made,_were the following:

' Under the war department which eontrols_the forces operat-
ing'in the InctTan^ferritories, there would, if it had charge of
theTndians,'be~nocon3rct of opinion as to Vhat should be
done in-gi-veir cases ; "^for, as the fountain from whence might
emanate'lnitructions, whether to commanders, supenntend-
•ents, or agents, would be one, so the different streams of
authority and regulations descending through these subor-
dinates should be of the same character. In my opinion
(said Carleton) the office of commissioner of Indian affairs
«hould be abolished, if it be incompatible with the law to
have an army officer to fill it fix officio, contemplating the
placing of the Indian bureau under the direction of the war
department, and organizing it systematically, so that its
operations should harmonize with those of the troops, and
the two run together as parts of the same machine. . . .
I would have not' only the head of the Indian bureau an
officer of the army, but each commander of a military depart-
ment should be an ex officio superintendent of Indian affairs
for the Indians in that department, and the commander of
one post nearest any one tribe of Indians in that department

374 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

should be the agent ex officio for that tribe.." Thus the In-
dians would be remitted to the care and management of com-
manders of departments and their subordinates without re-
straint, which is substantially in conformity with the views
of Gen. Sheridan. He would have no military officer detailed
to preside over an office in the war department, known as the
bureau of Indian aft'airs, but remit the whole matter to the^
commanding officers of military departments in which Indian
tribes are located, who should be ex officio, in charge of the
Indians therein. In Chapter X. of this work some detail
is given of military operations in Ifew Mexico in 1862-3-4,
and in Arizona in 1869. At that time there were no civil
agents in either of these territories, and hence the military
operated in Indian matters without restraint. Gen. Carleton
was then the commander in ISew Mexico, and exercised as full
and unrestrained authority and power over the Indians as
though his views and those of Gen. Sheridan had been em-
bodied in a law of Congress. The reader is especially referred
to this detail, since the facts contained in it exhibit Gen. Carle-
ton acting without restraint, and as if, in fact, he was ex officio-
superintendent of Indian affairs for the Indians of ]S"ew Mexico.
In view of his conduct at that time, it is surprising that the
committee on Indian affairs should, in the year 1878, present
him as authority in favor of the transfer of the Indians to the
war department, and embody his views in their report in favor
of the measure. '

The bill reported passed the House of Eepresentatives.
The Senate did not approve of the measure ; but, in its stead,
a clause was inserted in the army appropriation bill, providing
for a joint committee, consisting of three -senators- and^ve
representatives, with in structipn to take into consideration
the transfer of the Indian bureau to the war department.
This joint committee was authorized to employ a clerk and sten-
ographer, to sit during the recess of, and make final report to
Congress, on or before the first of January, 1879. This joint
committee was composed of Senators Saunders, Oglesby, and
McCreery, and Eepresentatives Scales, Boone, Hooker, Stew-
art, and Van Vorhes. It took the testimony of many wit-
nesses, addressed letters of inquiry to the secretaries of the-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 375

war and interior departments, and visited sections of country
between the Mississippi river and the Pacific coast, with a
view to personal inspection of Indian tribes and agencies ;
and thus sought to obtain the information desired.^ On the .
part of Messrs. Scales, Boone, and Hooker, this was wholly
unnecessary, since they were members of the House committee,
and united in the report made in February, 1878, recommend-
ing the transfer. This joint committee laid before Congress
the result of its inquiries, in the shape of two reports, being
evenly divided — four in favor, and four against the transfer.
The four who favored the measure yere Se nator M cCreery ^ .
and Representatives Boone, Hooker^andScales. The four
opposed to the transfer were Senators Saunders and Oglesby,
and Representatives Stewart and Van Vorhes. All who fa-
vored the transfer were D emocrats, and from, the Southern
States; and alfwho opposed it 'were Republicans,, and froHL
the ISortherh States. The testimony submitted by the joint
committee to Congress covers more than four hundred printed
pages. Fron^ the perusal of this testimony, it is quite clear
that the members who favored the transfer relied mainly on
the testimony of the of&cers of the army to support their
view. Indeed, when quoting- from the testimony of Gen.
Sherman, they said, if space permitted, they could refer " to
the statements of many other intelligent and distinguished
officers of the army, who "are supposed to know, and who,
no doubt, reflect the feelings of the army officers generally,
on this subject." In this connection, and at this point, the
advocates of the transfer, in their report, introduced the
substance of the testimony of Ge n. Sherman. He concludes
thus :

" The war department can employ civil agents for the
the peacetul tribes, and military agents for the warlike tribes.

" Christian and civilizing influences can be as well used by
the military as the civil.

" There will be less hypocrisy and cant with the military
agents than with the civil.

"The military will keep the peace, protect reservations
against lihrawful intrusions by the whites, and can allow and

376 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

encourage different Christian denominations to comp6te in the
matter of churches and schools.

" Thejecopomy will be in using one set of machinery for
both' arijfiy and Indians, instead, of, as now, two.

" In case of transfer, one head of department would have
control of all the agencies, and of all troops, so as to apply
the remedy on the spot, instead of the system of circumlocu-
tion now in practice."

If the reader has perused the chapters in this work detail-
ing military operations against the Indians in New Mexico, in
1862-4; against the " hostile Indians south of the Arkansas,"
in 1868 ; against the Indians in Arizona, in 1869 ; against
the Piegans in Montana, in 1870 ; and against the Sioux and
Cheyennes in 1876, and Dull Knife's band of Cheyennes in
1878-9, he is prepared to form an opinion as to the qualifica-
tion of military officers to exercise Christian and civilizing
influences on the mind of the savage. If he has not read the
portions of this work alluded to, his attention is respectfully
directed to them.

It is very easy for Gen. Sherman to say that the military
will keep the peace and protect the reservations against the
unlawful intrusion of the whites; but what are the facts?
"When has he used his influence in that direction? He has
been a peace commissioner ; he has assisted in making treaties
in which solemn pledges have been made with th'©'' Indians
that the many beneficial provisions embodied in the instru-
ments should be faithfully carried out. Has he ever interested
himself in their behalf? On the contrary, has he not time
and again thrown the whole weight of his official influence
against the very Indians who had a right to expect his aid ?
Has he not, without cause, made war against tribes to whom
he, as a treaty-maker, had pledged peace and protection?

Gen. Sherman seeks to captivate this joint committee by
assuring the members that the transfer will work out economy
in using but one set of machinery for both army and Indians,
instead of, as now, two. In other words, that by the use of
military officers, who are under pay at all events, as Indian
agents, the salaries of the civil agents will be saved to the
government. He, however, in the process of his examination

OUR INDIAN WARDS, 377

qualifies this, and says ttat the war departmeut " can employ
civil agents for the peaceful tribes, and military agents for the
warlike tribes." Assuming that all civil agents and the office
of commissioner of Indian afl'airs were dispensed with, and
the duty thrown on army officers, the amount saved in salaries
would not exceed $135,000. The quota of farmers, black-
smiths, etc., and interpl^eters at the agencies, can not, at the
present time, he dispensed with, whether agents be civil or
military. E"ow, if the n^ilitary agent do his duty to the In-
dians, he must be detached from the military service, and how
is his vacancy in the army to be supplied ? By military regu-
lations troops are not stationary, and when the command
moves from one point to another, is this officer, acting as In-
dian agent, to be left behind? And if not, will not every
movement of troops necessitate the appointment of a new
agent ? Such has been the practice wherever the military has
had the temporary care of the Indians. In the summer of
1876, when the Sioux war was in progress, the military de-
posed the civil, and put in their place military agents at a
number of the agencies. At the Spotted Tail agency, be-
tween the middle of July, 1876, and the first of May, 1877,
there were four difierent military officers acting as Indian
agents at this one agency. This was owing to the shifting of
troops from point to point. This feature is not only objec-
tionable, but it is fatal. Conceding that army officers would
be suitable persons for Indian agents in other respects, the un-
certainty of the tenure by which they would hold the po-
sition, is sufficient to settle the question and forbid their em-
ployment. There are other objectionable features, such as
have at all times in the past proved fatal, and will so prove in
the future, should the Indians ever be turned over to the care
of the army. The saving of the paltry sum of |135,000, or
.any other sum, when the fate of a race would be put in jeop-
ardy thereby, should have no consideration.

In the progress of his examination, and with a view to en-
lighten the members of the joint committee, Gen. Sherman
took up and ran over a tabular statement that had a few days
previously been prepared at the Indian office, showing the
number of Indian agencies, the number of Indians in care of

378 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

each, and the disbursements for each agency, and from it
pointed out such agencies and Indians as, in his opinion,,
ought to be governed by military force and have military
agents. There were about seventy-four of these agencies ;
and when he had passed them all in review, he indicated only
twenty-five agencies that, in his opinion, required military
discipline and military agents. Among these were the
Yakama Indians, in Oregon, and the White Earth Chippe-
was, in Minnesota, to which his attention was called by a
member of the joint committee. In' reply, he said he ran
down the list very hastily, and that he thought, in reference
to these, he was governedby the number of Indians. " Where-
ever (said he) Indians are peaceable, I would not bother
them." So far, then, as saving money by substituting mili-
tary officers for civil agents, according to Gen. Sherman's own
showing, the amount would be the salaries of twenty-three
agents, at $1,800 each per year, or the sum of $41,400 per year !
The residue of the agents, being more than fifty of them,
would remain civilians. As to these, the general was asked,.
" To whom would these civil agents be responsible ?" His-
reply was : " To the war department, which would give them
full discretion. Agents, civil or military, ought to have a
large discretion." In the course of the examination, Gen.
Sherman stated that he desired the committee " to construe
the present conflict or antagonism to be, not personal, not
a question of honesty, but a natural and necessary conflict of
antagonistic systems." He, in effect, purged the Indian civil
service, and presented it as free from fraud and corruptionj
and reduced the contest to a natural and necessary conflict of
antagonistic systems, and remarked that " the management
of the Indians from 1789 to 1849, a period of sixty years, was
in the hands of the war department. Since that date, twenty-
nine years, it has been in the hands of the interior depart-
ment. Each department can now be tested by its acts instead
of professions."

The four members of the joint committee who united in
recommending that the management of the Indians be trans-
ferred to the war department did not exactly agree with Gen.
Sherman in his statement that for. sixty years prior to 1849^

OUR INDIAN WAEDS. 379'

the management of the Indians " was in the hands of the war
department," but said, in their report, that " our system of In-
dian management has always been in effect the system now
in operation. Even while nominally under the administra-
tion of the war department, prior to 1849, the system was-
very much the same as now." If the fact be so, what is to
be gained by recommitting the civilization of this hapless
people to the war department ? All who feel that our best
effoi'ts should be bestowed upon the reclamation and well-
being of the Indian race, will admit that there has been at
all times something lacking in our treatment of the Indians ;
and it is not likely that any better results would follow if
they were recommitted to the war department than were pro-
duced prior to 1849. There does not appear to be any mys-
tery on this question, and yet our statesmen and generals seem
to involve it and its results in confusion.

Ill the year 1876 the committee on military affairs of the-
House of Representatives took the testimony of sixty army
officers touching the propriety of the transfer of the Indians
to the war department. In this namberwereto be found the
general, lieutenant-general, all the major-generals, and all the
brigadiers but one. The result was a report accompanied by
a bill providing for the transfer. In the report the committee
said that " pr evious to th e transf er of the Indian bureau from
the war to the interior departmen t, i^E^1849, the dis burseme nts-
to the Indians were generally made by army officer s, under
the' dlteetionT'or the commanding officers jjf the posts, who
were -acttngTjfdian agents ; and as the disbursing officers'
commissions, their reputation, and the means of support for
themselves and families were at stake, this was sufficient to
prevent any attempt at fraud and dishonesty, and the result
of this system was what might have been anticipated. It is
doubtful if the army officers were ever accused of defrauding
the Indians." In the report of the committee on Indian af-
fairs of the House of Representatives, made in February, 1878,
and upon which the House passed a bill providing for the
transfer of the Indians to the war department, it was asserted,
without qualification, " that the control and management of the-
Indians for seventeen years prior to 1849 belonged exclusively

380 OUB INDIAN WARDS.

to the war department." Three memhers of the joint com-
mittee, who recommend the transfer, in the report of January
31, 1879, are Messrs. Scales, Boone, and Hooker, who joined
in the report of February, 1878. In the report of 1879, these
gentlemen say that what was stated by them in the report of
1878 is not true ; that in point of fact the system of Indian
management prior to 1849 was very much the same as now.
These contradictory statements only serve to darken counsel
and confuse those who have no means of consulting the offi-
cial documents in investigating the question.

A brief statement will dissipate all this confusion. Before
the colonies united, each, as a general thing, acted independ-
ently of the others in its dealings with the Indians within its"
own limits. There was diversity, and sometimes conflict, as
many of the tribes, in their wandering life, were not confined
to a location within the limits of one colony. In negotiations
the object of the colonists was to compose-'difficulties as they*
arose, and to obtain cessions of lands for occupatio'a and set-
tlement. The amelioration of the condition of the savkge
was scarcely thought of. Before the adoption of the consti-
tution, and during the confederation of the colonies, the gen-
eral government took charge of Indian afiairs^'audTfoin that
period until the preseiTTfimV^air matters pertaining to the
Indians have been substantiiflly-uutle'Fthe care of the federal
authorities. In 1775 the ContinentaTCongress created ' three
departments of Indian affairs — the northern, middle, and
southern — and assigned'a board of c7mnfi:rs8iohersfo~each de-
partment. This action had no reference to the civilization of
the Indians, but simply looked to the preservation of peace
with, and to prevent them, if possible, from taking part
against the colonists in the struggle between them and the
parent government, which then seemed inevitable.

In 1785 Congress adopted " an ordinance for the regulation
of Indian affairs," in pursuance of the ninth of the articles
of confederation and perpetual union. By it the Indian
country was divided into two districts, and a superintendent
was created for each. All official transactions between tfese
superintendents and the Indians were to be "held, transacted,
^nd done at the outposts occupied by the troops of the UniteJT

OUR IN-DIAN WARDS. 381

States," and in any business which could not be done without
interfering with the legislative rights of a state, the superin-
tendent was required to act in conjunction with the authority
of such state.

In 1787 Congress authorized several of the states to ap-
point commissioners, who, in conjunction with the superin-
tendents of Indian afi'airs, were authorized to make treaties,
and the superintendents were required to correspond regu-
larly in relation to their official transactions with the secretary
of war, " through whom all communications respecting the
Indian department shall be made to Congress ; " and they
were further required " to obey all instructions which they
shall from time to time receive from the secretary of war."

Arising out of treaties that were made for cessions of land,
annuities became due and payable to the Indians, and the
war department became through its agents — the officers of
the army — the disbursers of the funds and gifts due to the
Indians. At this time the whole office duties connected with
Indian affairs were referred to one or two clerks in the war
office. There were, in the disbursements, exceptional cases,
where the duty was discharged by civilians ; but in such cases
the work was done under the direction and supervision of the
secretary of war. With the expansion of our population, and
the progress of treaty making, the business with our Indian
wards grew rapidly, but not, so far as the interests of these
people were concerned, satisfactorily. Hence, in 1826, the
then secretary of war, James Barbour, of Virginia, in a letter
to the Indian committee of the lower house of Congress, said
of the condition of the Indian population, that " the history
of the past presents but little on which the recollection lingers-
with satisfaction. The future is not more cheering, unless re-
sort be speedily had to other counsels than those by which we
have heretofore been governed." The letter from which this
extract is taken is one full of lamentation and sorrow, be-
cause of the condition of our Indian population. Liberal ex-
tracts from it are given in the sixth chapter of this work, to
which the attention of the reader is called.

At this period there was neither a commissioner of Indian
affairs nor a secretary of the interior. There was no Indian

582 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

l)ureau. In 1832, the office of commissioner of Indian affairs
was created, and the Indian bureau organized. The same
session, and preceding the organization of the bureau, a com-
mittee of Congress looked partially into the condition of the
business of the Indians, and the management of their affairs,
and made report that the system was expensive, inefficient,
aad irresponsible. In 1834, Congress passed a law, entitled
" an act to provide for the organization of the department of
Indian affairs." By this act, as well as the one of 1832, the
power was vested in the president to prescribe rules and regu-
lations to govern in the execution of both, and. he remitted
the subject to the secretary of war, with directions to " im-
me/iiately revise the existing regulations, and prescribe a new
set as to the mode in which business shall be done by the
commissioner, adapted to the present condition and duties of
the office."

The revised regulations made in pursuance of this order
were elaborate. Among them was one dividing the country
occupied by Indians into three districts, and assigning to
each one an officer of the army, to be known as the principal
military disbursing officer within his district. Payments were
to be made to the Indians by these officers, the assistant quar-
termasters, and assistant commissaries of subsistence, at the
different military posts, and by military officers on duty in
any other branch of the service in the Indian country, when
thereto required. In cases where it was necessary to employ
special commissioners or special agents, deviations from the
rule were allowed. Payments of annuities were made to the
chiefs of the tribe, or to such persons as the tribe might des-
ignate, provided they were of Indian descent, or recognized
members of the tribe ; and no payment was to be made to
any other person or persons, except claimants for depreda-
tions, such as were recognized under the intercourse act of
1834. A regulation in relation to the removal of Indian
tribes designated the military disbursing agent of the dis-
trict as the officer to take charge of the Indians, and pay for
supplies and services rendered in their removal, assisted by
disbursing agents of their own selection, and acting under
instructions from them. In all these regulations, the secre-

OUK INDIAN WARDS. 383

tary of war was practically the source of power; all things
were to be done subject to his instructions and approval. In
the process of time, Congress thought it advisable to look
into the business management of Indian affairs in the war
oflBlce at "Washington, and this was done by a committee of
the House of Representatives in 1842. In its report, the com-
mittee said :

" The evidence is submitted as to the general management
and condition of Indian affairs. It exhibits an almost total
want of method and punctuality, equally unjust to the gov-
ernment and the tribes to whom we have voluntarily as-
sumed obligations which w^e are not at liberty to disregards
It will be seen that the accounts of millions of expenditures
have been so loosely kept as scarcely to furnish a trace or ex-
planation of large sums, and that others have been misapplied,
so as to impose serious losses on the Indians and heavy respon-
sibility on the government ; that in some books (the only rec-
ord of these accounts) no entries have been made for a period
of several years ; and that, where entries have been made, the
very clerks who kept them could not state an account from
them." In the investment of the funds of the Indians, the
committee said there had been great carelessness. State
stocks, purchased at prices above par, were paid out by the
government, as trustee, at par, when they were worth only
twenty-five and thirty cents on the dollar. The report re-
ferred to, has much in it going to show the utter indiffer-
ence right at the fountain head — in the war office — to every
thing pertaining to the interests of the Indians. Indeed, there
was no restraint to the practice of the grossest irregularities
and frauds.

For many years preceding and following this period, the
officers of the army were supreme in authority on the Upper
Missouri, arid there were,between them and the old traders,
the most amicable and friendly relations. In the region of
Fort Leavenworth the manner in which Indian trade was
carried on was well known to the officers in command.
Guns worth $7 were sold to the Indians at |30 ; squaw axes,
worth 37 cents, were sold at $2 ; a double handful of salt,
worth 62 cents per bushel, sold at $1; five-gallon kettles,

384 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

costing 25 cents per pound, sold at $12 ; a yard of strouding^
costing |1.80, sold at $8; a Mackinaw blanket, costing $4,
sold at $12 ; American calico, costing 10 cents per yard, sold at
$1 ; gunpowder, costing 30 cents per pound, sold at $1.50 ; to-
bacco, costing 7 cents per pound, sold at $1 ; vermilion, cost-
ing $1.50 per pound, sold at $7; and whisky, costing 25
cents per gallon, sold at $16. Such trade as this was carried
on right in the presence of the military officers then acting
as guardians of our Indian wards. They saw no objectioQ
to it. Indeed, it seemed to gratify them to know that the
traders were prosperous. In the purchase of the robes and
peltries which the Indians sold at the trading houses, not
more than one sixth of the value was paid for them. The
result was that colossal fortunes were made by the old traders.
Contractors for Indian supplies were not held to a strict ac-
countability ; and, when delivered, there was gross neglect in
the care of them. Discrepancies in the accounts of dis-
bursing officers were numerous ; and, in many cases, actual
defalcations occurred.

After Gen. Sherman had invited a comparison of the man-
agement of the Indians from 1789 to 1849 with their manage-
ment from 1849 to 1878, he said to the joint committee that
he would not venture to make it, but with the sanction of the
members he submitted " some examples to show how awk-
ward is the present system of management by civil algents
who find themselves intrusted with the care and maintenance,
in time of peace, of a restless, if not a savage race." These
examples were the briefs of a number of papers then passing
through the war office at Washington, relating to the care,
protection, and supply of Indians, a few of ^hich he referred
to specially, as illustrating the whole. Here is an example.
The agent at Fort Peck, near the British line, made applica-
tion to the military at the post for assistance to aid in arrest-
ing some half-breed Indians from Canada, who had come over
to trade with the Indians near Fort Peck agency, and to kill
buffalo, and while there interfered with the Indian police at
the agency. This application, according to military regula-
tions, was sent to Washington, and when there, turned over
by the war department to Gen. Sherman, and by him re-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 385

ferred to Gen. Sheridan, at Chicago, and from him to the
commander on the Upper Missouri, and from him to the com-
mander from whence it started, at Fort Buford or Fort Ben-
ton, who dispatched a detachment of troops to make the ar-
rest, only to find that the half-breeds had gone hack to Can-
ada. This Fort Peck case and others like it were presented
to the joint committee of Congress by Gen. Sherman, as illus-
trative of the "impossibility of reconciling the natural and
necessary conflict in this double-headed machine of Indian
management," and such representations were received and ac-
cepted by one-half of the members as a sufficient justification
for the recommendation made by them that the management
of the Indians and their civilization should be recommitted
to the tender care of the army. In regulations requiring such
circumlocution and delay in a case like the one stated, there
is neither intelligence nor business, and in the affairs of a
business firm, if the agents were to adopt similar regulations
and be governed by them, the employers would very soon send
such agents adrift, and supply their places with men of comr
mon sense. The conclusion is irresistible that such regula-
tions are ■purposely made to obstruct the civil agent and
embarrass him in his duties, to the end that the civil man-
agement may be brought into disrepute because of its in-
efficiency, and it is absolutely astounding that senators and
representatives can, not only listen to such statements with
patience, but actually accept them as reasons for dispensing
with the civil agents, among the Indian tribes. In another
case that might have occurred, and many such do occur, the
local military officer would have felt that he had full discre^
tion and have acted at once. Had a baud of our Indians been
charged with some depredation upon the property of a party
of white men, no matter how lawless these may have been,
or how false the charge, the local post commander would at
once have put a squad of troops in motion and sought the In-
dians, and if overtaken, he would have attacked them, and
such as could not escape, would, without hesitation, have been

killed.

In his narrative, and as showing the conflict of systems,

25

386 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Gen. Sherman refers to the fact that the agent of the Southern
Cheyennes and Arapahoes had, without consulting the mili-
tary commander at the post, in November, 1878, allowed the
chief, Little E,obe, and his band, numbering about one hun-
dred and thirty, to leave the reservation to hunt buffalo. He
said to the joint committee that a controversy had existed
for a long time between the army officers and those of the in-
terior department, as to the right of an agent to give passes
to Indians to go outside of their reservations, no matter how
peaceably inclined such ludians might be ; the army officers
holding that they were, when outside of the reservation,
subject to military law. In this case, Gen. Pope had reported
the fact, and, of course, objected to the agent exercising such
authority ; and Gen. Sherman coincided with Geuj Pope in
his view of the case. Gen. Sherman told the joint committee
that he held that the " old rule was, and should be," that
when the Indians passed beyond their reservation, they be-
came subject to military law. lie can find no authority to
sustain this position, and if he could, the Cheyennes and
Arapahoes are not bound by it, since by the treaty of 1867, made
with them by a commission of which he was a member, they
had a clear right to go out to hunt in the manner in which
they did. Perhaps more than all other causes comlnned, out
of which trouble has grown up with the Cheyennes and Ar-
apahoes, and the Comanches and Kiowas, since the spring
of 1869, are those which have grown out of the execution of
the unlawful military order issued at that time, in which it
was held that these, as well as other Indians, when found out-
side of their reservations, were declared hostile, and wherever
found, were /to be dealt with as such.

Gen. Sherman states, to the joint committee, that to remit
the management of the Indian tribes to the army, is to assure
marvelous economy in tlie work. IIow is it possible for such
a result to follow? "With the ranks full, we have 25,000 sol-
diers in the army. For the year ending June 30, 1878, with
low values for every thing used in its maintenance, the ap-
propriations for the support of the army amounted to |24,583,-
186. The number of our Indian wards, exclusive of those in
Alaska, is, say, 276,000. The appropriations for the support of

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 387

the Indian department, for the same year, amounted to $4,-
721,275. We have here, for the suppoi-t of the war establish-
ment, a sum equal to $983.32 per head, per soldier ; and for
the support of the Indian establishment, a sum equal to $17.10
per head, per Indian. Military officers, because of their con-
stant talk of the extravagance, as well as corruption, of the
Indian service, have much of the responsibility resting on
them for the general impression that the Indian bureau is the
sink of corruption, and the Indian civil agent the champion
scoundrel of the times ; and yet here are the figures, and they
demonstrate that it requires more than fifty times as much to
support a soldier and the war establishment per year, than
the sum appropriated to support and take care of an Indian
and maintain the Indian service. It may be said that this
statement does not present the matter fairly. Suppose that
be conceded, and yet the disparity is so great, that it may be
well for inquiring minds to look squarely at the gross cost
of the military as well as the Indian service.

Gen. Sherman was not the only high military authority
that this joint committee called to its aid in the pursuit of
knowledge. Gen. Meigs, the quartermaster-general of the
army, was on the stand on the 3d of December, 1878. He
was asked his opinion as to the propriety of the transfer of
the Indians to the war department. His answer was, that it
" would be well for the Indians, but ill for the army." He
was quite sure that all orders of the executive and Congress
would be strictly carried out, and the supplies voted by Congress
would be delivered to the Indians, of good quality and in the
quantity intended. That was no doubt gratifying to Senator
McCreei-y and Representatives Boone, Hooker, and Scales.
But he said they would not be sufficient to feed 250,000 In-
dians, which he assumed was the number of our wards. He
thought the Indian appropriations for the year were about
$4,500,000. He said "the cost of feeding 25,000 men in the
array was about $2,500,000 per year. It is (said the general)
simijly a question of arithmetic to see what it will cost to
feed 250,000 Indians. It will be about $20,000,000 a year. /
do not think that problem has ever been presented to Congress."
He said further of the Indian, " his appetite is as good as a

388 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

soldier's, and if it cost twenty-four cents for a white man*s
ration to be carried to and delivered to him, I say it will cost
'twenty-four cents to pay for it .for the Indians." In relation
to transportation of supplies, Gen. Meigs said: "Our system
is perfect, and yet I was a little surprised, in preparing an an-
swer to some inquiries of this committee, to find in some
cases that the Indian department has made contracts for
transportation at considerably lower rates than we have upon
very nearh'^ the same lines. ... I think some of the
Missouri river contracts were considerably lower than ours,
although ours were made by public advei'tisement in the
course of the same season. The Indian department got
lower prices than we did." This is most marvelous testi-
mony to come from a military officer, at the head of the most
important business department connected with the military
service. How strange it must have sounded in the ears of
bis associates, as well as in the ears of tbose members of the
joint committee who had, upon the wild statements of army
officers trained under Gen. Sheridan, prejudged the case in
favor of the transfer.

As stated, the gross number of our Indian wards, less those
in Alaska, is about 276,000. Of these, more than two-thirds
are women and children. Probably there are tribes aggre-
gating 110,000 souls that supply their own food and clothing.
They have, however, annual annuities coming to them, which
'are a drain upon the treasury to a certain extent ; another por-
tion, and in considerable numbers, in part subsist themselves;
another portion produce nothing, and hence can supply nothing
toward their own support. Where located, the game has dis-
appeared, and many are confined to reservations that are bar-
ren lands. The number of this kind, added to those to whom
the ration is supplied in part, it is believed would equal
110,000 Indians to be supplied with full rations. This num-
ber, at twenty-four cents per day, for rations for each, would
require to feed them one year, the sum of $9,636,000. On
this point we are supplied with a very recent practical test
by the military department. In August, 1877, the band of
the Nez Perces chief, Joseph, surrendered at Bear Paw Moun-
tain, in Dakota, to Gen. Howard. They were turned over by

' OUR INDIAN WARDS. 389

hina to Gen. Miles, and in due time sent forward to Fort
Leavenworth, where they remained until July, 1878. On the
31st of March, 1878, the war department made up an account
against the Indian bureau for the subsistence of Joseph and
bis band, from August 14, 1877, to March 31, 1878. The
period at which they were at Leavenworth, which was the
greater part of the time, enabled the war department to ration
them cheaper than it could be done at any other place in the
West. They numbered four hundred and twenty-one men,,
women, and children at the time of the surrender. This ac-^
count covers subsistence for 228 days, and the amount of the,
bill rendered was $12,565.78. It would require 95,988 rations
to feed 421 persons 228 days. The bill would indicate that
each ration cost a fraction over thirteen cents. At this rate
it would require to ration 110,000 Indians — men, women, and
children— for one year, the sum of |5,219,500; which would
exceed, by more than $500,000, the entire amount appropri-
ated for the current fiscal year, for the whole Indian service,,
including money, annuities, rations, clothing, schools, pay of.
employes, medicines, and all else connected with the Indian
service ! This bare statement ought to put to shame the host
of military gentlemen who make it a specialty to disparage
the civil service. Aud when compared with the extravagant;
outlay for the support of the army, it ought to seal their
mouths forever. The fact is, that with the rapid destruction
of the game on which the Indians, until recently, subsisted^
and other untoward circumstances surrounding these people,
the appropriations for their subsistence should be enlarged,
considerably beyond, the amount which Congress doles out to
them, for such period as they are kept upon reservations,
where they can do nothing toward self-support. The fact
that the support and maintenance of the war establishments
requires a yearly expenditure of nearly $25,0,00,000, or $983.32
per head per man, for an army of 25,000 men, would seem to
indicate that there is a wide field for reform and retrenchment
in this branch of the public service, but Congress does not
seem inclined to cultivate it. Some years ago there was some
inquiry made in that direction, but the united testimony of
army officers was that no reduction could be made in the ex-

390 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

penditures of the military establishment. No officer could
dispense with his servant, nor could he stand any reduction
in his salary, or in his commutation for quarters, etc., when
on detached duty away from his command. Some did think
that the office of chaplain in the army might be abolished,
and others concluded that the company laundress, who was
most generally the wife of an enlisted soldier, might be dis-
pensed with, and the privates be required to wash their own
clothes ! But to touch the pay or perquisites of an officer,
with a view to a slight reduction, that was not to be thought
of for one moment.

In 1875, Congress did venture on the correction of an abuse
of some magnitude, and provided by law that the number of
officers employed in the quartermaster's department should
be as follows : One quartermaster-general ; four assistant
quartermasters-general; eight deputy quartermasters-gen-
eral ; fourteen quartermasters, and thirty assistant quar-
termasters — making in all fifty-seven officers in that de-
partment. This action was to correct an abuse that had
grown up in the service, whereby, in addition to the reg-
ular officers in the establishment, hundreds of the officers of
the line were annually detailed to duty as assistant quarter-
masters. Notwithstanding this provision of law, there were,
in the fiscal year 1877-8, upward of three hundred officers
of the line acting as assistant quartermasters in excess of
the limit fixed in the law of 1875, all of whom were handling
and paying out government funds that aggregated millions
upon millions !

In the report of the inspector-general, for the year ending
June 30, 1875, referring to transportation in the distant terri-
tories, where the government supplies its own teams, it is said
that " the teamsters, hostlers, herders, etc., for this means of
transportation, for the most part are soldiers detailed from the
line, often without any knowledge of the work, and against
their wishes. . . . These soldiers often maltreat, over-
work, and take but little care of their teams ; the consequence
is that in a short time they require recuperation, or are ren-
dered unfit for further service, and are condemned and sold."

In the annual report of the judge advocate-general of the

OUE IKDIAN WARDS. 391

date of October 10, 1877, that officer says : " The vice of
gambling, as I gather from records of courts-martial and
other authentic information, prevails to a very considerable
extent in our army. It is, however, not punishable as such,
but only in certain cases, as when committed by/a disburs-
ing officer, or under circumstances rendering some peculiar
dishonor on the party. This vice, I need not add, is most de-
moralizing in its effects, and necessarily tends to relax the
bonds of military obligation and duty. Both to put a stop to
an immoral indulgence prejudicial to good order and military
discipline, as well as to protect young officers having small
■paj,who are too often led into it by their superiors in rank, I
would recommend that gambling, or the playing at cards or
other games for money or other valuable stake, be absolutely,
positively prohibited in the ai'my, by tbe proper legislation to
be sought from Congress."

In the report of the same officer, for the year 1876, it is
stated that the number of convictions for crimes and offenses
committed in ten months of that year in tile army, was eleven
thousand nine hundred and f6rty-one ! This occurred in a
community numbering 25,000 souJs, manned and officered by
the picked men of tbe nation, reared at West Poirv^^ Can
the worst governed and most disorderly city on the continent
equal this ? Among these convictions, there were" for assault
and battery, 214; for assault with intent to kill, 10; for de-
sertion, 347 ; for disobedience of orders, 705 ; for disrespect
to superior officers, 289 ; for drunkenness, 1568 ; for drunk-
enness on duty, 947 ; for larceny, 142 ; for neglect of duty,
526 ; for offering violence to superior officers, 6 ; for selling,
losing, or wasting government property, 140, etc.

In the annual report of the second auditor of the treasury
for the year 1873, there is this exhibit : " Number of charges
raised against officers on account of overpayments, 242 ; num-
ber of charges raised against officers on account of double
payments, 150." He adds : " Since the last report the ac-
counts of forty-three paymasters have been closed and certifi-
cates of non-indebtedness issued. The accounts of thirty-five
paymasters have been finally revised, on which there is due
the United States |76,541 ; and the accounts of twelve pay-

392 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

masters have been, prepared for suit, the balance due the
United States aggregating $541,447.87."

In the annual report of the second auditor for the year
1874, that officer says that the number of cases in which
charges were raised during the year against officers and en-
listed men for overpayments were 177 ; for double payments,
157; credits to officers and enlisted men for ovei'payments re-
funded, 204 cases ; credits to officers for double payments re-
funded, 46 cases. He adds that cases then under investiga-
tion " involve questions of alleged fraud in the preparation
and prosecution of claims, forgery, unlawful withholding of
money from claimants, and overpayments to officers and en-
listed men."

In a report made by Vincent Colyer, acting as a special
Indian commissioner in 1869, referring to matters that occur-
red in his tour, he had, among other items, the following:
" While delayed at Fort Gibson, in the Cherokee country, we
were for several nights in succession awakened from our sleep
by the noisy shouts and oaths of drunken men. "Wondering
who could thus disturb the peace of a quiet town like this, and
wh^-^ the police did not arrest them, I was surprised and mor^
tified to find that it was a party of drunken soldiers from the
fort. On Sunday morning we were sitting by the window in
the house of a Christian friend, soon after service, when our
attention was called to the sudden egress of a number of
peaceable Cherokees and half-breeds from the door of a small
meeting-house. Out they came, tumbling, in the highest de-
gree of alarm, pursued by four drunken United States sol-
diers. The Cherokees scattered in all directions, when our
'national police' came up reeling, shouting, and swearing,
like all possessed. One of them flourished a revolver, another
a bludgeon, a third had his hat off, shirt sleeves rolled up, and
arms bloody ; and all four looked the picture of riot and dis-
order. . . . The explanation of this was that the paymas-
ter had been around a few days before."

Capt. Henry E. Alvord, in a report of an extended visit,
in 1872, on a special inspection, referred to the growing evil
of the introduction of liquors among the Indians. The inter-
course act forbids this, but there is an exception by which

OUK INDIAN WARDS. 393

liquors may be carried to military posts, for the use of officers,
under regulations prescribed by the secretary of war. In view
of this fact, Capt. Alvord suggests that it is a matter of great
importance that the habits of post or district commanders,
in this particular, should be known as good. He cites the
state of things at Fort Sill, when he tvas there, and states
that the officer in command placed no restriction on the
traffic in liquor, and it was, in fact, free to all. " j^s the re-
sult," said he, " a practically open bar was kept while we
were at the post, with nightly carousals ; soldiers, citizens,
and employes frequently seen drunk; and the liquor found its
way to the Indians. . . . With such a state of affairs at
the military posts, it becomes absolutely impossible to enforce
the law elsewhere, and liquor reaches the Indian camps, pro-
ducing much evil."

On the 12th of December, 1874, the agent of the ]!»I"avajoe
Indians, in New Mexico, wrote the commissioner of Indian
afiairs, that there was demoralization amOng both the Indians
and soldiers, arising from the fact that the Navajoes were
allowed to visit, at their pleasure, the military reservation at
Fort "Wingate, and asked that the orders of June, 1870, be
enforced, and the Indians required to leave the post, and re-
turn to their reservation. The order was issued on June 20,
1870, and was to govern in the department of l^ew Mexico.
It read thus : " Under no circumstances whatever, will any
Indians be permitted to enter any military post or station in
this department." In 1872, the assistant surgeon stationed
at Fort Wingate, had written to the post adjutant, that, in
consequence of the number of N'avajoe squaws being about
the post, venereal diseases had become frequent among the
troops, so that at that time more than half the sickness among
the men was of that character. The assistant surgeon sug-
gested that the commanding officer order all these Navajoe
women to leave the post, or should some of them be allowed
to remain working for any one at the post, that such regula-
tions be made as would prevent them and the troops from
meetino-. The suggestion, or recommendation, of the assistant
surgeon was not carried out, but he was relieved from duty.
As stated, the Indian agent, in December, 1874, informed the

394 OTJR INDIAN WARDS.

commissioner of Indian affairs of tlie demoralization that ex-
isted, and asked that the order of 1870 be enforced.

This communication was referred to the secretary of war,
and by him to Gen. Sherman, and thence to Gen. Pope, com-
mander of the department of 'Sew Mexico, who indorsed on
it, amoDg other matter, the following : " I do not consider the
statement of Mr. Arney (the agent) to constitute such a state
of hostility as would excuse me in the eyes of the Indian bu-
reau for interfering with the business or pleasure of such In-
dians as the Navajoes:" It will be observed that all the agent
desired was the revival of the order of June 20, 1870, which
prohibited any Indians entering military posts in the depart-
ment of Ifew Mexico, and thus put an end to the intimacy
existing between the Navajoe women and the troops at Fort
Wingate; and this Gen. Pope refused to do for the reason
above quoted. He did not feel that he would be justified in
interfering with the business or pleasure of such Indians as
the Navajoes — notwithstanding he knew well that the inter-
course between the troops and the ]Siavajoe women was fear-
fully demoralizing to both.

Such references and extracts as are contained in the closing
pages of this chapter, could be multiplied to the extent of a
large volume, but this is not deemed necessary. It is believed
that sulBcient is presented to enable every reader to arrive at
a just conclusion as to the absolute necessity of reform in the
management of our Indian wards, and as to whether this re-
form, and the best interests of our Indian population, both
material and moral, could be safely intrusted to the custody
of the officers of the army. "While deliberating on this ques-
tion — a momentous one, the fate of a race — I would implore
every reader to avail himself of an unerring standard which
will work out absolute certainty and a righteous judgment.
" Do as you would be done by." " Put yourself in his place."

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 395

CHAPTER XIX.

The Ute Indians op Colorado. — The treaty of 1868, and the agkee-

MENT of 1873 WITH THEM. — An EXAMINATION OF THE MANNER IN WHICH
EACH PARTY HAS PERPOIIMBD ITS OBLiaWIONS. — ThE ORIGIN OF THE
PRESENT COMPLICATIONS, ETC.

The Ute nation is composed of the Tabaqnaclie, Miiache,
Capote, Weeminuclie, Yampa, Grand River, and Uintah
bands of Ute Indians. Before the United States entered
into definite treaty relations with them, these bands roamed
over a vast country, occupying, in their excursions, the terri-
tory embraced in "Western Colorado, Eastern Utah, I^Torthern
New Mexico and Arizona, and Southern Wyoming. They
also came down through Eastern Colorado, to the buffalo
range, on the plains, and made their periodical hunts, at the
risk of war with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and the Co-
manche and Kiowa Indians, who claimed as their country the
territory over which the great southern herd of buffalo
ranged.

In March, 1868, I^. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Af-
fairs, Alex. C. Hunt, Governor of Colorado Territory, and ex
officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Col. Kit Carson,
on the part of the United States, concluded a treaty with a
few representative men of these bands (among whom were
Ouray, Kinache, Ankatosh, Jose Maria, Mcaagat, Guero,
Piah, Suviap, and others), by which it was agreed that a dis-
trict of country commencing at a point on the south bound-
ary line of the Territory of Colorado, where the meridian of
longitude 107° west from Greenwich crosses the same; running
thence north with said meridian to a point fifteen miles due
north of where the said meridian intersects the fortieth par-
allel of north latitude ; thence due west to the western
boundary line of said territory ; thence south with said west-
ern boundary line to the southern boundary line of said ter-
ritory ; thence east with said boundary line to the place of

396 OUR INDIAN WARDS,

beginning, " shall be, and the same is hereby set apart for the
absolute and undisturbed use and occupation of the Indians
herein named, and for such other friendly tribes or individual
Indians as, from time to time, they may be willing, with the
consent of the United States, to admit among them." Fol-
lowing this language, and in the same article of the treaty
(the second), these words are found : " And the United States
now solemnly agree that no person, except those herein author-
ized so to do, and except such officers, agents, and employes
of the government as may be authorized to enter upon In-
dian reservations in discharge of duties enjoined by law, shall
ever be permitted to pass over, settle upon, or reside in the territory
described in this article, except as herein otherwise provided.''

In the next article the Indians agree that they will and do
relinquish " all claims and rights in and to anj portion of the
United States or territories except such as are embraced in
the limits defined in the preceding article."

Provision was made for the establishment of two agencies
and the necessary buildings ; that the agents should reside
at the agency house, and keep an office open at all times, and
make diligent inquiry into all matters of complaint pre-
sented for investigation by or against the Indians ; and in
cases of depredation on the persons or property of either,
cause the evidence to be taken in writing, and forward the
same, together with their finding, to the commissioner of In-
dian afl'airs, whose decision, subject to the revision of the
secretary of the interior, should be binding on the parties to
the treaty. And if bad men among the whites, or other peo-
ple subject to the authority of the United States, committed
any wrong upon the persons or property of the Indians, the
government would, upon proof made to the agent and for^
warded to Washington, proceed at once to cause the offender
to be arrested and punished according to the laws of the
United States, and would also reimburse the injured Indian
for the loss sustained; and if bad men among the Indians
shall commit a wrong upon any one — white, black, or In-
dian — subject to the authority of the United States,- and at
peace therewith, the Indians agree that they will, upon proof
of the fact, made to their agent, d.eliver up the wrong-doer to

OTJR INDIAN WARDS. 397

the government, to be tried and punished according to its
laws ; and, in case they willfully refuse to do so, the person
injured shall be reimbursed for his loss from the annuities or
other moneys due, or to become due, from the United States.

Provision was made for any Ute (being the head of a fam-
ilj'), who desired to commence farming, by which he may se-
lect a tract of land, not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres,
for his homestead, to be held by him and his family so long aa
he or they may cultivate it. The reservation shall be surveyed,
and when this is done Congress shall provide for the protec-
tion of the Indian farmer, and fix the character of his title,
and he shall be supplied with agricultural implements and
seeds, and shall have the instruction of a farmer, and school-
houses erected and teachers employed to instruct the children.
As an inducement to adopt civilized life, each lodge of TJtes
shall be supplied with one gentle American cow and five head
of sheep.

It was stipulated that all appropriations made under the
treaty for beneficial purposes, as well as the annuities, should
be divided proportionately among the seven bands of IJtes ;
•provided, that if any chief of either of the confederated bands
make war against the people of the United States, or in any
manner violate the essential parts thereof, such chief shall
forfeit his position as chief, and all rights to any of the bene-
fits of the treaty ; but any Indian of either of the confed-
erated bands who shall remain at peace and abide by the
terms of the treaty, shall be entitled to its benefits, notwith-
standing his particular chief and band shall have forfeited
their rights thereto.

This treaty was not ratified and proclaimed until ]!*fovember
6, 1868, and hence during that year no specific appropriations
were made to carry its provisions into effect. On the 8th of
June 1869, Gov. Hunt called the attention of the Indian
office to this facJt, and said that in many years' experience
among Indian tribes " he found delays the most fruitful of all
causes which engendered war. An Indian, who is the soul of
punctuality, can not comprehend why the officers of a govern-
ment in possession of unlimited wealth can not be as prompt

398 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

as a poor untutored native ; nor can this failure, so often re-
peated, be explained satisfactorily to him."

On the 12th of June, 1869, Gov. Hunt was relieved by Ed-
ward M. McCook, who succeeded him as governor and ex
officio superintendent of Indian affairs. In the annual report,
dated September 1, 1869, Gov. McCook said that his success
in carrying out the plans of the government for the nmeliora-
tion of the condition of the Indians under his charge " had
been gratifying." He impressed upon the Indians " that the
object of the government was to furnish them a local habita-
tion forever, free from intrusion, and to perform faithfully
every obligation of the treaty." The Indians, although un-
willing at first, had finally concluded "to accept the situation
and follow the instructions of their white tutors, provided
they might be furnished with suitable stock for agricultural
and pastoral purposes — their own diminutive ponies being en-
tirely unfit for the labors of the farm, and the Texas cattle of
that region being untameable as the buffalo." In considera-
tion whereof he thought " the government had done wisely
in making liberal appropriations for the purchase of Ameri-
can cows and other stock for the use of these people." He
thought the country admirably adapted to grazing, and, as the
Indians were partial to pastoral life, the success of the experi-
ment of colonizing them must, in a great measure, depend
upon tliis branch of industry. He said the game was fast
vanishing in the mountains, and the buffalo disappearing
from the plains, and' that, by reason of the steady march of
civilization j these resou rces of the Indians would, before many
years elapsed, be entirely cut off, and then the government
must provide further sustenance, or gradually teach them the
dignity and necessity of labor. He thought this was a task
not to be accomplished at once, and, while he saw difficulties
in the way, he felt that much could be done " toward realiz-
ing the dream of eastern philanthropists by the initiation of
a kind and liberal policy, and by integrity and fair dealing
on the part of the agents of the government." He, how-
ever, doubted the policy of isolating the Indians in order to
civilize them, and believed the best way to accomplish this
object would be to bring them into direct contact with the

OUE INDIAN "WARDS. 399

Mgliest standard of civilization, instead of placing them en-
tirely beyond its influence. This standard he believed to be
in New England, and said : " I think the settlement of these
untutored tribes in the vicinity, say, of Boston, where they
would daily be thrown in contact with what is claimed to be
the most cultivated community on this continent, would be
much more likely to bring about the desired end than a com-
plete isolation from these powerful and beneficent influences."
The number of Indians in Colorado he said was small, and
he felt quite sure the people of the territory would not object
to their permanent withdrawal therefrom, " in order to ad-
vance the great interests which we are led to believe would
accrue to tbe aborigines themselves, and to the whole coun-
try, through the transformation of this number of vagrant
consumers into industrious citizens and producers of the ele-
ments of wealth and property." He closed his report by the
expression of the opinion that, by economy, the funds appro-
priated for provisions, would enable the Indians to pass the
winter without sufiering.

On the 16th of October, 1869, Gov. McCook made another
report, having returned to Denver from a four weeks' tour,
in going to, and returning from, the lower Ute agency, and
distributing the annuities to the Indians there. He found
the distance from Denver to the agency, by the shortest route,
about four hundred and fifty miles, a portion of it the worst
road he " ever saw." The wagons transporting the goods
were eleven days in going from Saquache to the agency, avr
eraging about six and one-half miles per day. He was ena-
bled to obtain additional oxen to attach to his wagons to aid
in pulling them " over the pass, or they would never have
been able to get through at all." The contractors who car-
ried this freight " through from Saquache, for two cents per
pound, informed me (him) that they would not take the con-
tract again for ten."

The governor said he felt a peculiar interest in the success
of this lower agency, since many obstacles had been thrown
in the way of himself and the agent, by those who were de-
sirous that the location should have been on the border of
New Mexico, and so remote from any base of supplies that

400 OUE INDIAN WAEDS.

transportation of material and provisions would have cost
more than the purchase price. He found, when at this
agency, the saw-mill completed and running, the warehouse
finished and ready for the reception of goods, and the other
buildings far advanced.

Daniel C. Oaks, an agent, selected a site for the agency on
White river, believing that a better place could not be found
in the noi-thern part of the Ute reservation. He said the In-
dians were pleased with this location, and he did not appre-
hend any difficulty, provided the government was prompt in
complying with the terms of the treaty.

The govei-nor advised the department that he had dis-
charged all the old employes, because he was convinced that
they had been engaged in dishonest and disreputable prac-
tices under the former administration. He said that he was
assured by both Indians and whites, that the wants of the In-
dians in the region of the southern agency, had never before
been fully supplied. He felt confident that the agencies he
had established would prove a success, and that the system
he had inaugurated would go far toward carrying out the de-
signs of the president.

It is not surprising that Gov. McCook was enabled to sup-
ply the Indians more bountifully than his predecessor, since
he had the expenditure of the first appropriation made to
fulfill the stipulations of the treaty of 1868. For this pur-
pose. Congress, on the 10th of April, 1869, appropriated the
sum of 1122,450, to be expended in provisions, clothing,
building agency houses, dwellings for employes, mills, etc.,
and he had the disbursement of this money. Before that
time the appropriations were very limited; and in the last
communication from Gov. Hunt, which appears in the public
documents, under date of June 8, 1869, he refers the commis-
sioner of Indian affairs to the fact that certain annuities, pay-
able to the one band of Utes with which the treaty of 1863
was made, had never been furnished, as stipulated by the
treaty.

On the 10th of August, 1870, Gov. McCook, by direction
of the Indian department, made a visit to the White River
agency, to inspect the location and the buildings. He took

OUE INDIAN" WARDS, 401

an escort of troops from Eawlings' Springs, and was from
that point ten days in reaching the agency at White river.
He said, in his report, made September 1, 1870, that he found
good camping-grounds and water and grass on the journey,,
but away from the banks of the streams the whole country
was sterile and desolate, the only vegetable productions being
sage brush and cactus, " and the only indigenous living crea-
ture the horned frog." He found the agency buildings-
erected " at the mouth of a deep canon, where the river de-
bouches from the higher range of mountains." He judged!
from the locality, as well as from what he learned from the
Indians, that it was much colder there than twelve or fifteen
miles farther down the river. The Indians said their stock
could not be kept there on account of the intense cold and
the heavy fall of snow. He thought there were in the imme-
diate vicinity of the agency thousands of acres of what ap-
peared to be fertile land, part of it river bottom, part rolling,.
but all covered with good grass. Although the soil produced
good grassj yet it appeared to be largely impregnated with
alkali, and the production of cereals and vegetables was an
experiment, the success of which was uncertain. His im-
pression was that the proper location for the agency was oa
the south bank of Bear river, about eighty miles distant from
the agency as located. There the climate was more temper-
ate, the valleys broader, the timber more abundant and of
better quality, and the place much more accessible. More-
over, the Indians desired that the agency be established at
Bear river. The agency buildings having been erected and
other improvements made, the governor concluded that the
work of civilization must begin at White river.

About the same time that the governor left on his tour of
inspection to White river, his private secretary, by his direc-
tion, started on the same errand to the southern agency. On
his return, September 1, 1869, he made report to the gov-
ernor. He was generally pleased with what he saw. The
condition of the buildings, improvements, and stock was sat-
isfactory. The agency farm had not proved a success, the
grdrsshoppers having destroyed the crop, and in the location
26

402 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

there appeared to be, in his opinion, almost insuperable cli-
matic and other difficulties to be surmounted. Yet the sec-
retary concluded his communication thus: "I regard this
agency as a success, and if the commissary department is
kept well supplied, the question how to keep the southern
Utes quiet is solved."

Lieut. Speer, in his report as agent, stated that parties in
the southern part of Colorado and in New Mexico sought to
thwart his operations. They had, however, but little influ-
ence upon the Indians. He had assurances from a number
of the chiefs that the Indian children would be sent to school,
provided they were supplied with food. This he thought an
important auxiliary, and felt convinced that a lasting and
permanent peace might be established with these wild In-
dians.

It will be observed that the site of the southern agency, as
well as the one at "White river, had the personal inspection of
Gov. McCook, in his official capacity as superintendent of In-
dian affairs in Colorado. From his own statements, as well
as those of his agents, there should be no surprise that neither
was satisfactory to the Indians. The difficulty and discom-
fort in journeying to, and the unfavorable surroundings when
at the agencies, are apparent ; and the extreme elevation of
the land and high temperature at White river, and the loss
of the first crop at the southern agency, were calculated to
make the Indians unhappy, and yet there is not one word in
the reports of the agents or in the governor's report, indicat-
ing that there was any disorder or serious dissatisfaction man-
ifested by them. In closing the report of his inspection toiir
to "White river. Gov. McCook said : "Any of the country
through which we passed was a good country for Indians, for
we saw no human habitation from the time we left Rawlings'
Springs until we reached "White river, and, no matter how
much our country may increase in prosperity and grow in
population, there is no possibility of this portion of the terri-
tory being inhabited by a permanent white population. Ex-
cept along the valley of the Bear, I saw nothing which would
invite occupation by even the most poverty stricken and ad-
venturous of our frontiersmen."

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 403

On the 13th of October, 1870, Gov. McOook wrote out hia
:annual report as superintendent of Indian affairs in Colorado.
He had before him the reports of his agents, and from the
facts stated in these, and his own knowledge, he gathered ma-
terial for this documeift. It was addressed to the commis-
sioner of Indian affairs. There were no charges made by the
governor against the Ute Indians. They were charged through
the Associated Press dispatches during that year with killing
•eome white men in the Worth Park, to which the governor
thus refers : " The Utes were accused of killing the white
men who were murdered. So soon as I heard of the mur-
ders, I visited the scene of the outrage and satisfied myself
that the Utes were innocent." In the second paragraph of
this report, the governor said : " I am satisfied that so soon
as the Indians thoroughly understand the policy of the de-
partment, and believe that the government intends to feed,
supply, protect, and instruct them, and enable them to learn
those arts which will make them an independent and self-sus-
"taining community, they will come to their reservation and
remain there." And, in the closing paragraph, after compli-
menting not only the commissioner of Indian affairs, but his
subordinates in the Indian office, for their uniform courtesy
^;and aid, the governor said : "I desire to say that, with effi-
cient agents and with the kind and energetic assistance and
■co-operation which you have always given me, I feel satisfied
that the experiment just inaugurated, of civilizing the Utes,
<;an be made a success."

In view of the guaranty in the treaty of 1868, by which
the government assured to the Utes the undisputed use and
■occupation of the territory embraced in the reservation, and
the language used byG-ov. McCook intheextracts just quoted
from his report, there are paragraphs in the body of that doc-
Timent that are surprising. In one place he rails at his pre-
-decessor, and the officials at Washington, and Col. Carson for
making such a treaty, by which there was set " apart one-
third of the whole area of Colorado for the exclusive use and
•occupation of the Ute nation," the greater part of which he
«aid was " the best agricultural, pastural, and mining land on
the continent." He said that, while traveling over this ter-

404 OUR INDIAN "WARDS.

ritory, he " could not help feeling and expressing surprise that
the richest portion of the Territory of Colorado should have-
been alienated without any sufficient consideration." In the
exuberance of his surprise, he went on thus : " This Ute res-
ervation includes mines which will j^y one hundred dollars
per day to the man, grasses which are luxuriant and inex-
haustible, and a soil richer and more fertile than any other
in the territory. The land on the Uncompagre will raise cot-
ton, and this staple has been produced there of as good qual-
ity as any raised in the South. Snow only falls for two-
months in the year on the worst portions of the reservation
belonging to the Southern agency, and in the Uncompagre
country no snow falls, and yet this great and rich country is^
set aside for the exclusive use of savages who will not work
themselves, nor permit others to work." This fact so wrought
upon his mind that he exclaimed : " I believe that God gave
to us the earth, and the fullness thereof, in order that we-
might utilize and enjoy His gifts. I do not believe in donat-
ing to these indolent savages the best portion of my terri-
tory." He pursues the subject at some length, and closes by
the assertion that he would " allow every American man to go-
freely, and without hindrance, wherever the American flag
covers American soil." This declaration, coming from the
governor of Colorado, who was ex officio the superintendent of
Indian aflairs, was, without doubt, quite gratifying to the
gold hunters and others who had covetous eyes upon the Ute
reservation.

In another part of the report, the governor turned his at-
tention to the army. He said : " I have never seen any troops
stationed in this country affording the needed protection to-
on r settlers. The great end and aim seems to be to guard the
railroads and take care of themselves. ... Is the army
stationed on the frontier to guard the iron and the ties of in-
corporated railroad companies or to protect the people ? . .
I want to see the army out here winter and summer, wher&
it properly belongs. If winter in this region is too cold for
the soldiers, notify the citizens that they have to take care
of themselves, and they will prepare to do it. . . .1 speak
in earnest, and utter the sincere opinion of every honest citi-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 405

zen of this territory, when I say that we do not want any
more summer soldiers. If troops are sent down here simply
lo spend a pleasant summer, trout-fishing, grouse-shooting,
;and buffalo-hunting, they had better stay away altogether."
In another place he complains that the military does not re-
rspond with alacrity to calls made upon them, which he inti-
mates is excusable, since it is " no more than human that
officers of the army should decline to respect a recommenda-
tion of, or act upon a suggestion coming from persons who
they regard as possibly inimical to them — that is, civil officers
with some military authority." And, finally, he calls the at-
tention of the commissioner of Indian affairs to the fact that
"he had, in a letter dated January 20, 1870, expressed his be-
lief " that the entire management of Indian affairs should be
turned over to the war department."

Notwithstanding the pledge of the government in the
treaty of 1868, that no person should settle in the Ute reser-
vation, miners gradually entered it on prospecting tours, and
in time they began to locate and work the mines. Gov.
McCook had expressed the opinion that every American |
^should be allowed to go freely and without hindrance on the
soil where our flag floated, and hence these trespassers had
nothing to fear from him, and as time passed, they increased
in numbers. While patient, the Utes were not satisfied.
Ouray, in 1871, asked that a military post might be estab-
lished near the southwest corner of the reservation, to the
end that the troops might be used to prevent further intru-
sion, as well as to expel those unlawfully residing on the
reservation. In the spring of 1872, Congress authorized the
^secretary of the interior to enter into negotiations with the
Utes for the extinguishment of their title to the southern
part of their reservation, which was then overrun by miners
.and ranchmen ; and Gov. McCook, John D. Lang, of Maine,
and Gen. McDonald, of Missouri, were commissioned for that
■duty. On the 28th of August, 1872, these gentlemen met
representatives of the Ute nation at the Los Pinos agency.
In the opening council. Gov. McCook, the chairman of the
commission, said to the Indians that it was the opinion of
iimself and his colleagues that they had " nothing to ask

406 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

except what will be for the good of both the Indian and the-
white man." He told them that the authorities of Colorado-
Territory having found that " some of the white men of Col-
orado and New Mexico had gone upon the TJte lands seeking
for gold," had requested the United States to pass a law that
would open negotiations by which, for a consideration, the-
lites would dispose of such lands which were not of value to
them, but very valuable to the white people. Gov. McCook
said : " It is in obedience to the provisions of this act of Con-
gress that the Hon. Columbus Delano, Secretary of the In-
terior, by consent of the president, appointed this commis-
sion. The whole object of the commission can be reduced to-
two or three simple propositions : First, we wish to buy
part of your lands, if you desire to sell them, and we propose
to give you a fair price for them. In all these negotiations-
we wish the Utes to bear in mind, and our instructions say
implicitly, that the action must be entirely voluntary on your
part, and must meet the approval of the chiefs and a majority
of the Ute people who are in this council. We do not wish
you to be influenced by outside influences, and we must have-
your approval before we can do any thing. We wish to have
an expression from the Indians and from your chiefs, and not
from any outside parties."

Mr. Lang followed Gov. McCook. His remarks were in-
terpreted into the Ute language by Mr. Curtis. At the close-
of them, Ouray said : " You write down what is said. We-
cau not. We want Lawrence to interpret. Many of the In-
dians understand Spanish, and we want Mr. Lang to repeat
what he has said, that all may understand it, and I will in-
terpret it into IJte, that all may get it correct." Mr. Lang
then repeated what he had said.

Mr. Lang. " We sorrowfully say that bad white men want
to drive the Indians from their lands. I want to say to the
Utes, whom I have never met before, that I have been for
thirty years traveling among Indians. I find the Utes are in
the same condition as the other Indians whom I have visited
during those thirty years. I want to say this : I believe the
people are honest, and are anxious to do what they can for
the IJtes. They say that the white people are breaking ia

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 407

upon your land, and are giving trouble to the TJtes. The
■president wants to take care of his white children and of hi&
red children. He asks Gov. McCook, Gen. McDonald, and
myself to leave our homes ; he believes we are honest men ;
we do not want your land or your money ; he asks us what
we can do to make you happy. We believe it a trouble to
you to have white men breaking in upon your borders and
settling on your land. We have come here to talk with
you — to see if you can help us, and if we can help you, in this
matter. We know you have been cheated, and wronged, and
deceived by bad men. We believe that you have reason to
doubt the honesty of all white men, until you have had time
to prove whether they speak truth or lies. It is nothing
strange to me (and it is the same with our commission) that
you are slow in coming together to hear what we have to say.
I speak in behalf of the commission, and if I am not correct
they will stop me, that we came here as honest men. We do
not ask you to believe us until you can have a talk with us,
and prove us to be honest men. We believed, at our homes,
that the TJtes needed help ; and when the president and
Congress asked us to come here — three thousand miles away
from home — we said we would not come ; but when they said,
' the TJtes are in trouble, we want you to go and talk with
them, and they with you,' to see that bad white men shall not
drive you from your homes, we consented to come ; we want
nothing you have, but we come to do you good. We have no
railroad in view ; no great company of capitalists who want
to make money out of your domains ; we want you to receive
us as brethren ; we want to entreat you to be the friends of
the government, for the government is a strong friend to you.
We want to advise' you to every improvement that is adapted
to your present situation ; and we want TJre (Ouray) to coun-
sel with his wise men, and all to talk with us, at convenient
opportunity, that we may counsel what is for your good. You
are children of the Great Spirit ; we are all one and the same.
The Great Spirit has put it into the heart of the president and
Congress, and good people, to think of the condition of the
Indians. Such is the good heart of the president and Con-
'gress to you ; old men, young men, and children, he provides

408 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

for all of you ; he sends blankets, provisions, and all such
things as you need. Now, I want you to consider that the
president and all good people are your friends, and not to de-
cide against the commission and the president, until you find
they are not honest men. It embarrasses me to talk to you
through two interpreters ; but I have said what I have from
an honest heart."

Ouray followed, thus : " I understand, and know it was
hard for you to go over what you have said. Mr. Curtis
talks very well in Ute, but our language is different, and I
■want all to understand."

Gen. McDonald followed, and said : " I will say to Ure
(Ouray) and the chiefs of the different bands of the Utes, and
all the people of his nation, that I will not attempt to make
a speech. Grov. McCook, who is well known to you, and who
is governor of the territory in which your domain is situated,
has informed you fully of the object of our mission here. He
has read the act of Congress, wliich has been approved by
the president, which is the authority under which we act.
Friend Lang, of Maine, one of the commission, who has
spent thirty years of his life in the service of the Indians, has
expressed the feelings of the president and Congress and the
good people of the United States, and in this he has expressed
my feelings in full. I feel now that if my mission here will
be of any benefit to you and to the white people of the coun-
try, I am fully repaid for coming."

Mr. Brunot, at that period chairman of the board of In-
dian commissioners, was present, and although not a member
of this commission to the Utes, was introduced, and made
some remarks. He stated that he had come to talk to the
Utes about other matters after the council had concluded.
He said : " I know the president's heart, and want to tell you
that he sent this commission to talk to you for your good, as
well as that of the white man. Four years ago there was a
treaty made with all the Utes ; that treaty marked out some
lands that were for the Utes. It was intended for you always
to have that land ; but after a while Congress finds out that
it is a very large piece of land ; that white people are getting
on the edge of it and in the mountains. Suppose a white

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 401)

man ha8 a farm : he makes a fence around it, and keeps the
«tock and wild animals out of it. But if it is so large he can
not make a fence about it, he sells part of it, keeping the rest
to live on, and with the money he buys stock and improves
his land. Congress sees that there are white people coming
on your land ; it will take too many soldiers to make a fence
around it. The Utes see how hard it is to keep the whites
off, so Congress passed a law and sent this commission to see
whether the Utes did not want to sell some of their land,
making it smaller, so that it would not take so many soldiers
to protect it, and the Utes would not be troubled with the
whites coming on it. Congress leaves it all with the Utes to
.say what they will do. Congress thought when it passed the
law it would be good for the Utes to sell a portion of their
Teservation. It does not compel the Utes to do so. It is just
as you please. You must think of it, and do what you think
right."

Here Gen. McDonald expressed a desire that Ure (Ouray)
should say something, and the chief replied that the Utes did
not wish to sell one foot of their land ; that was the opinion
■of all. " For some time," he said, " we have seen the whites
<5oming in on our lands ; we have not done any thing our-
selves, but have waited for the government to fulfill its treaty.
We have come here so that you may see that we are not sat-
isfied with this trespassing on our lands ; but we do not want
to sell any of them."

Several other chiefs said a few words, when Gov. McCook
remarked that the commission desired the evening to talk
the matter over among themselves, and an adjournment took
place. On the next day the council convened at two o'clock
p. M. Gov. McCook informed the Indians that as the com-
mission occupied the time the day before, the members de-
sired the chiefs to talk on that day.

Sapamanore, a Tabequache chief, said that in time past he
had talked with Gov. McCook, and thought the treaty was
settled, and was to remain. He said : " We thought the land
you are trying to buy was given us by treaty for our lands.
For that reason we have never thought of going to war or
.any thing of the kind, and we are contented with the treaty

410 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

as it is- "When we made the treaty, we did not think it waa
made with common men, but thought it was with people who
would abide by the treaty. . . . We believe, and our
children who are living and those that will be born shall be-
lieve, that the treaty is as it should be, and that nobody can
take away our land that we have by the treaty. By this
treaty we are here on this reservation, and people are living
on land that was ours, and are enjoying it. "We do not dis-
turb them on it, and they should not disturb us on this laud
that is ours. What we are talking about is of great interest
to the whites and the Indians, and it should be of equal in-
terest to both. It is business of importance that we are
talking about. It is a thing that looks strange to us, that
-white men who are civilized should be going on our land, and
it is strange to us that they are permitted to trespass on it-
The whites should be quiet in their own country, and should
not be trespassing on land that does not belong to them. Our
interest, and all our interest, is to live in peace with all men.
. . . For a great many years I have lived in the positioa
in which I am, and my only desire is that we should live in
peace. A man who thinks well will always do well. It la-
the same of the whites and the Indians ; they will not for-
get. A man who is red or white, if he thinks well, will al-
ways be just, and do right in all his actions."

Kaneache, a Muache chief, said he did not believe the-
commission was sent from the States to treat with the Utes,
but one that has come of its own accord. To this Grov. Mc-
Cook replied, that if such was the opinion of the Indians
there was no use of the Utes treating with the commission.
The chief replied, that the reason he said what he did was be-
cause both Mexicans and Americans told him some time be-
fore, that Gov. McCook was trying to get the Ute land. The
chief added that Gov. Arney, who was then present, was all
the time going to Washington and Santa Fe, " and all the
time working against us."

Katucheka, a Capote chief, said : " The country where the-
miners are, we consider as the Capote country. There are a
gi-eat many passing in our country, and what I want is that
they may go in safety, and as they go from house to house

OUR india'n wards. 411

they may do it in safety, and not have to be watching the
road by which they will return. It is the same both with the
Indians and with the whites. I want it to be every-where
just as it is when an Indian goes to Denver ; he can return in
safety without watching the road. We are all one ; we were
all born of one father and one mother, and it is not right for
brethren to be killing each other. All the miners who go
into the country misrepresent every thing, and tell us false-
hoods. They say the government gives them permission to
go there."

The discussion between the commission and the Utes was
continued each successive day, until the evening of the 31st
of August. The burden of it can be judged by the pre-
ceding extracts. The Indians were averse to selling any por-
tion of the reservation, and urged that the intruders should
be removed. On the 29th, Gov. McCook, in reply to some re-
marks of chief Shawano, in relation to the intrusions on the
reservation, admitted that gold had been found in the south-
ern portion of it, and that miners had gone there in large
numbers. " There are (said the governor) only two ways tO'
meet this difficulty. The first, and we think it the best for
both the Utes and the whites, is for the government to ex-
tinguish the title of the Utes to it, by paying you a large sum
for the mining portion of the reservation. The second is to-
send soldiers there and drive the miners out. Ifow, the Ca-
pote chief, who has just spoken, said you did not want sol-
diers in your country. If the miners are an annoyance there',,
and drive away and kill your game and catch your fish, we
think the soldiers would be more of an annoyance. This is-
a question that has to be met squarely. The Utes do not wish
to go to war and drive the miners out, so you have to appeal
to the government to do so. I want you to think seriously
of this matter."

On the last day this colloquy took place between Gov. Mc-
Cook and the chief Shawano and others :

Gov. McCook. " Shawano, are you willing to place yourself
in a position where you never can go to Denver again ? That
is what you are asking of us, that no whites shall go uport

412 OUR INDIAN WARDS,

jour reservation, while the Indian wanders where he pleases.
I see Shawano and Piah in Denver every month in the year."

Shawano. " I understand the treaty, that by doing no
wrong we can go to the States if we please."

Gov. McCook. " Have these nainers been doing any wrong
on your reservation ?"

Shawano. " It is the same as if the miners were stealing,
getting on our reservation."

Gov. McCook. " When you go to Denver do you not steal,
when your ponies eat the white people's grass ? Grass is just
as valuable to your horses, as gold is to the white people."

Shawano. " Being at peace, there is no law that prevents a
man going where he wants and getting his living ; our treaty
is that way, and we can not help saying so."

Gen. McDonald. " Shawano is right. We will accord all
to you that you do to the whites."

Shavxmo. " When I go to Denver I do not disturb any-
body. I do not dig up the earth, and I disturb nobody, as
these miners do."

Gov. McCook. " Have any of you ever been on the moun-
tain where the miners are ? Can your ponies live there, or
can any of you make a living there ?"

Shawano. " It is a great hunting-ground for us. There are
sheep and deer, and it is a matter of great importance to us."

Gov. McCook. " That is not on the mountain where the
miners are."

Shawano. " Yes, it is on that mountain."

This colloquy was continued some time, other chiefs partici-
pating, when Ouray aej^ed Gov. McCook: "What is your
reason for putting all this before us ?" To which the gov-
ernor answered : " Simply I want to tell you that if you in-
sist on the government fulfilling its part, it will insist on you
fulfilling your part; that is the letter of the bond." To this
Shawano replied : " It is one government ; you are a legal
man, and why are you talking so much about it ?" Shawano
then asked this question : " In what part of the territory
have the Indians done any harm ?" In reply. Gov. McCook
said: "What harm have these miners done?" Then the
chief Ankatosh put this question : " What did the president

OUB INDIAN WARDS. 413:

say when he sent you to buy our lands ? Did he tell you to-
ask so many questions ?"

Finally, and without being able to make any arrangement
for the cession of the desired territory, Gov. McCook declared
"the council ended, and said we part friends, and all that has
been said will be reported to the president."

The commission did report the result of their labors to the
commissioner of Indian affairs on the 24th of September.
The concluding paragraph of their communication is in these
words :

" When we parted with the Indians they manifested the
most kind and friendly feeling. We have every reason to
believe that the visit of the commission was a timely one,
and served to allay any feeling of irritation which might
have existed in the minds of the Utes against either the
white miners or the government of the United States. It
convinced them that the president and Congress fully recog-
nized all the rights conferred and all obligations imposed by
the treaty, and would endeavor to discharge their duty to-
ward both the Indians and the white people of the territory
in a manner that would be at the same time just and pacific."

In the spring of 1873, an order was issued by the direction
of the president for the expulsion of the miners and other
settlers then within the Ute reservation, but before the mili-
tary had entered on the discharge of the duty, this order was
suspended. The reason given Avas that the president had
been informed that chief Ouray had intimated that the Utes
were willing to resume negotiation for the sale of a portion
of their reservation, and he deemed it best to await the result
of another council, since, in the event of such council and
the sale of a portion of the territory to the United States, it
would be a needless hardship to drive out the settlers, who-
would desire at once to return after the purchase was made,
to their former occupations.

On the 2d of July, 1873, Felix E. Brunot and IJfathan
Bishop, both of the board of Indian commissioners, were
designated to constitute a new commission to negotiate with
the Utes. The Indian agents at Los Pinos, White Kiver, and
Abiquin, the latter in New Mexico, were directed to render

414 OUR INDIAN WARDS,

the commission all the assistance in their power in securing
a full attendance of the different bands of Utes at the Los
Pinos agency, where the council was to assemble. Mr.
Bishop was unable to attend, and hence Mr. Brunot was the
sole commissioner. He arrived there on the 6th of Septem-
ber, 1873, accompanied by his secretary, Mr. Cree, and Dr. J.
Phillips, whom he had engaged as Spanish interpreter. The
time originally fixed for the meeting had been postponed, and
hence there were but few Indians there on the arrival of Mr.
Brunot. The journal of the proceedings shows but thirty-
two Utes present. These represented the Tabequache, Mua-
•che. Capote, Weeminuche, White River, and Denver bands
of Utes, and one representative of a band of Apaches. Two
bands of Utes were not represented. On the way to Los
Pinos, Mr. Brunot met a surveying party, acting under au-
thority of the surveyor-general of Colorado Territory, en-
gaged in sectionizing the land near this agency for settlement.
There was also in that region a military surveying party, act-
ing under the direction of the military authorities of the de-
partment, and a division of Professor Hayden's exploring
party had but recently been some time on the reservation,
making surveys and taking observations. Parties of miners
were repeatedly in the neighborhood of the agency, and such
of them as the Indians came in contact with, said the govern-
ment was away east in the states, and had no power in the
mines ; that it could not protect the Indians, and that they
did not care whether the Utes sold the mines or not, they
were going to stay. All these things were very objectionable
to the Indians.

The commission went to work on the afternoon of the day
of its arrival. It was not long until the fact was discovered
that the Indians misapprehended the purpose and desire of the
government, as disclosed by Mr. Brunot. The commission of
1872, as a last resort, asked the Indians to sell only the mines
to them, which the Utes understood to mean the mines that
were then actually worked, and to include none of the adja-
cent country, and they supposed that the purpose of the pres-
ent commission was only to renew this request. They were
willing to sell these with the right of way by one road to

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 415

reiach them. Mr. Brunot declined to entertain this proposi-
tion. The Indians then said they would sell the portion of
the reservation around the head of the Rio Grande, but they
would want security that the miners would not go any far-
ther. Mr. Brunot replied that he could not make any agree-
ment to purchase the small piece of country in which the
miners were then located. Ouray said that the piece of land
th,ey offered to sell was not so small. It was, in fact, large.
The mountains were long, and where the miners then were
they would sell, but none of the bottom lands. Mr. Brunot
suggested that the difficulty in such a contract was that there
would always be quarreling as to where the lines were, and
hence more trouble than there was at that time. Ouray sug-
gested, to avoid trouble, that the country be surveyed, and
the lines marked so that all could see them.

In response, Mr. Brunot said : " It would take five years
and one hundred men to do that. What I think (said he), is
that the Utes had better sell all the mountain country. Sup-
pose I were to make a contract for where the mines are now,
it would take all the Utes and one thousand soldiers to stand
around it to see that the miners did not go to the other
mountains, and, instead of stopping the trouble, it would
make it worse. The mountains west of it, the miners would
be hunting mines in. Suppose there are no mines in the part
west, and suppose the Utes make a bargain for it."

Ouray. " We can not do what you want."

Mr. Brunot. " But I want you to hear what I have to say.
Suppose you sell the mountains, and if there is no gold in
them then it would be a benefit to you. The Utes get the
pay for them, and the Americans would stay away. But sup-
pose there are mines there, it will not stop the trouble; we
could not keep the people away."

Ouray. " Why can not you stop them ; is not the govern-
ment strong enough to keep its agreements with us ? "

Mr. Brunot. " What Ouray says is reasonable. I would
like to stop them ; but Ouray knows it is hard to do."

Ouray. " In regard to the mountains around the mines we
do not say any thing, but to take in so much land we will not
agfee to it. We know what the government has to do by the

416 OTTR INDIAN WARDS.

treaty, and we know how you are talking about the trouble.
Tou are a commissioner on the part of the government ; we
are on our own part. If you do not want to buy, or we do
not want to sell, it is all right. The whites can gQ,|^nd take
the gold and come out again. "We do not want them to build
houses there."

Mr. Brunot. " I told you I would not have come if I had
not wanted to benefit the Utes. I wanted to befriend you.
I do not think I would be doing what was good for the Utes^
if I did what Ouray wants. It need not prevent the contract
from being made, but I will not make it. I will tell the pres-
ident, and he may send somebody else, and they may buy
just what the Utes want to sell now, and in another year they
will find the miners as bad somewhere else, and then they
may send somebody else. You understand why I will not
agree to it. But it is all right if you do not make an agree-
ment with me. It will not make any difierence. I will try
and have you protected as well as I can. I will do as I did
before. I will ask the president to drive the miners away, as
I did last fall ; but a thousand other men will tell the presi-
dent to let them alone. Perhaps he will do as I say, perhaps
not."

The discussion between the Ute chiefs and Mr. Brunot con-
tinued for nearly a week before a conclusion was reached. A
proper location for the agencies, the present and future con-
dition of the Indians, and the invasion of their territory were
all discussed. Among other matters, the boundary lines of
the treaty of 1868 were discussed, the Indians averring that^
as they understood Jthat treaty, the eastern boundary of the
reservation as surveyed, was not according to it. Ouray said,
the line established by the surveyors, they said, was twelve
miles west from Los Pinos, and that was not right. This
question of the boundary lines was also discussed before the
McCook commission. Ouray was the interpreter when the
treaty of 1868 was made, and, from all the facts, there can be
no doubt that the Utes misapprehended the territory defined in
the treaty, and it is doubtful whether the United States com-
missioners were not also deceived.

Mr. Brunot finally succeeded, and on the 13th of Septem-

OUR INBIAN WABDS. 417

ber, 1873, as commissioner on the part of the United States,
entered into an agreement " with the chiefs and people of
the Tabequaehe, Muache, Capote, Weeminuche, Yampa, and
Grand Eiver and Uintah, the confederated bands of the Ute
nation." By this agreement there was relinquished to the
United States "all right, title, interest, and claim in and to the
following described portion of the reservation heretofore con-
veyed to them by the United States, viz : Beginning at a
point, on the eastern boundary of said reservation, fifteen
miles due north from the southern boundary of the Territory
of Colorado, and running thence west, on a line parallel with
said southern boundary, to a point on said line twenty miles
due east of the western boundary of Colorado Territory;
thence north by a line parallel with said western boundary,
to a point ten miles north of the point where said line inter-
sects the thirty-eighth parallel of north latitude ; thence east,
to the eastern boundary of the reservation, and thence south,
along said boundary, to the place of beginning ; provided, that
if any part of the Uucompagre Park shall be found to ex-
tend south of the north line of said described country, the
same is not intended to be included therein, and is hereby re-
served and retained as a portion of the Ute reservation."

In the agreement, it was stipulated that the Utes should be
permitted to hunt on the land ceded to the government as
long as the game lasted and the Indians were at peace with
the white people; and the United States agreed to " set apart,
and hold as a perpetual trust for the Ute Indians, a sum of
money, or its equivalent in bonds, which shall be sufficient to
produce the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars per annum,
which Slim of |25,000 per annum shall be disbursed or in-
vested at the discretion of the president, or as he may direct,
for the use and benefit of the Ute Indians, annually for-
ever."

It was stipulated, in the agreement, that all the provisions
of the treaty of 1868 should be, and remain, in full force and
effect; and the pledge, in that treaty, that no person, except
officers and agents of the government, and other persons
authorized by law, should ever be permitted to pass over,
27

418 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

settle upon, or reside on the Ute reservation, was expressly
reaffirmed.

In transmitting this agreement to the department, Mr.
Brunot stated that the Utes claimed that the " commissioners
who made with them the treaty of 1868, pointed out th'e
Chocitopa Mountain as the eastern line of .their reservation;
but that now the surveyors said the line was twelve miles
west of the agency buildings, instead of the same distance
east of the agency, as had been promised at the treaty. They
also claimed that the commissioners told them that the south-
ern line of the reservation was upon the highlands south of
the San Juan river ; but now survej^ors had marked a line
(the southern line of Colorado) north of the river, which
they were told was the limit of their reservation. Both of
these lines they desired to have reinstated in the sub-treaty.
The Mu aches and Capotes wanted to have their agency
continued at Cimarron, in New Mexico, and to make its con-
tinuance there a condition of even the sale they proposed.
!N"one of them were willing to sell any part of the agricul-
tural lands of the reservation. Believing that to purchase
the existing mines only, would but postpone, for a few months,
the apprehended collision between the whites and the In-
dians, arid, consequently, be of little benefit either to them or
the government, I declined to enter into such negotiations.
Having no authority on the subject of the lines of the reserva-
tion, that question was withdrawn from the council, by the
promise that the chiefs should visit Washington to make
their repi*esentations to the government in person." The
tract of land which Mr. Brunot obtained by the agreement
•contains near four millions of acres. He made, in his com-
munication, several suggestions beneficial to the Utes, which
do not appear to have had any consideration, and closed thus:
" I desire to express the utmost confidence in the friendly dis-
position of the Ute Indians, and commend their head chief,
Ouray, for his devotion to both the interests of the govern-
ment and his people."

With the surrender of the portion of the Ute reservation
obtained by the Brunot agreement, the Indians had a right
to, and did, expect that they would be relieved from any fur-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 419

i;liei' inroads ; that, having given up the mining territory, they
-would be protected in what was termed the agricultural lands.
But this was a delusion. The grazing country was just as
much coveted as the mineral, and " ranchmen " intruded to
prospect for good locations, where they could herd and graze
^stock, some of whom now occupy the valleys with their
ranches. Hence, it may be said the Ute Indians are not, and
•can not be, at rest in any part of their reservation ; that they
have had no progress in farming, and very little in herding,
^should not surprise any one. There is a desire expressed by
Tiiany of these Indians to become farmers, and it would seem
results in that direction ought to be seen in the immediate
neighborhood of the agencies. The sites for these appear to
have been located most unfortunately ; and, where the orig-
inal locations were afterward changed, there does not seem
to be much improvement. Extreme drought and insufficient
means for irrigation are frequently ofiered by the agents as
reasons for a partial or total failure of the crops. At one
"time, blight comes from the work of the grasshopper, and, at
.another, the frost is destructive. In 1870, Gov. McOook's
private secretary made a report to him, from the Southern
Ute agency, in which this paragraph appears : " The agency
farm has not proved a success this season, owing to the almost
insuperable climatic and other difficulties to be surmounted.
A tract of eight or ten acres was planted with oats, potatoes,
turnips, etc., all of which might have been an average crop,
but for the advent of the grasshoppers. These insects de-
voured all the farm products above ground, in a single day.
I am informed by the agent that a severe frost killed the
grasshoppers the same night."

In July, 1878, agent Meeker wrote that one field of twenty
-acres, three miles from the White River agency, " was sown
i;o wheat last fall, but it was wholly destroyed by grasshop-
pers and prairie dogs." Numerous extracts from reports of
-the agents, made from year to year, of the failure of the
crops, and the cause thereof, could, if necessary, be produced.

In the annual report of the Indian office for the year 1878,
it was estimated that five per cent, of the subsistence of .the
TJtes was obtained by those engaged in civilized pursuits,

420 OTJK INDIAN WABDS.

forty five per cent, by hunting, fishing, root-gathering, etc^
and, by the issue of government rations, fifty per cent. The-
whole number of Indians at the agencies that year was re-
ported at 3,734. Of these, 2,000 were at Los Pinos, 934 at
the Southern, and 800 at the White River agency. One-half
of the whole number is 1,867. To provide government ra-
tions for this number, at twelve cents per day, which is about
one-half the amount that an army ration costs in that coun-
try, would require the sum of $81,774.60. The entire appro-
priation for food and clothing, which was granted by Con-
gress, for the year ending June 30, 1878j was only $60,000:
Of this sum, only $30,000 were, by the terms of the appro-
• priation act, set oftV for subsistence. This sum, distributed'
per capita to the 3,734 Utes, would give to each one, for sub-
sistence, $8.03 per year, or about two and one-third cents per
day ! If the whole sum were expended for provisions, and
no clothing furnished, the per capita for each Ute would be-
less than five cents per day !

In 1878, the wealth of the Utes was 8,500 head of horses
and ponies, 45 mules, 1,372 cattle, and 4,500 sheep, and the
value of the robes and peltries sold was $9,500. The reve-
nue of the Indians from this source has fallen off very much,
This is the inevitable result of the invasion of the reserva-
tion by those unlawfully going into and dwelling therein.
It may be observed that the number of the Utes is in excess,
of those reported at' the agencies. The population may be-
set down at about 4,500.

To say that there has been no violence or disorder among
the Utes since they came under treaty relations, in 1868,.
would be to place them in moral conduct above any society
in the United States. To say that they have been remarka-
bly orderly and pacific, is simply to do them justice. There
is an almost unbroken chain of evidence in their behalf in
the reports of the agents. The reports from the agents, ia
1878, contain a reflex of those in preceding years. Agent
Weaver, of the Rio Los Pinos agency, in his report for that
year, says : " Beyond the excessive and violent demands for
rations, and the threat of taking the life of the agent for es-
tablishing the agency on the Rio Pinos (to which the South-

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 421

firn agency was removed), instead of the Rio Navajo, as they
<;laira to have been promised them, there is but very little in
their conduct to condemn. I blush to say aught about this,
when I reflect upon how they have been treated by the gov-
ernment, and imposed upon by individuals."

Agent Abbott, of the Los Pinos agency, says : " "With few
■exceptions, tbey are a quiet, peaceable, well-disposed people.
Quarrels and contentions among them are infrequent, and not
a single instance has come to my knowledge of violence or
-crime committed by them against the person or property of
the whites settled along the border of their reservation, or
vcven against the squatters, who knowingly and in defiance of
all right and justice, and even the authorities of tbe govern-
ment, have encroached upon and taken possession of their
most fertile lands."

Agent Meeker, of the "White River agency, says, in his re-
,port of July 20, 1878 : " These Ute Indians are peaceable,
respectors of the rights of property, and, with few exceptions,
^amiable and prepossessing in appearance. There are no quar-
relsome outbreaks, no robbei'ies, and perhaps not half a dozen
who pilfer — and these are well known. The marriage rela-
tion is strictly observed — at least for the time it continues —
^nd polygamy is practiced to a limited extent. On the whole,
this agent is impressed with the idea that, if the proper
methods can be hit upon, they can be made to develop many
useful qualities, and be elevated to a state of absolute inde-
pendence."

On the 29th day of September, 1879, agent Meeker and
-all his male employes at the "White River agency were killed
by the Indians residing there, and on the same day, fifteen
miles away, chief Jack's band of Utes met in battle the com-
mand of Maj. Thornburgh, then on its way to the agency, in
-obedience to a call on the department by agent Meeker for
troops. The agent had been injured by one of the chiefs, and
hence the call. In the afiair between Jack's warriors and the
"troops Maj. Thornburgh fell. The attention of the whole
<!ountry has been attracted to this affair, and it has had much
•discussion, in the absence, however, of any correct analysis of
:t;he facts.

422 OUR INDIAN WAEDS.

In seeking for a solution of the difficulties which culmi-
nated in the tragedy at "White River agency, several facts lead
to the conclusion that agent Meeker, though admitted to be-
an honest and brave man, was yet not possessed of that de-
gree of patience, combined with firmness, which an Indian
agent should have. Moreover, he ajppeared to be ready to
hear and accept complaints and charges of the white people-
against the Utes as true, without giving them proper investi-
gation.

On the 29th of July, 1878, in a communicatipn to the com-
missioner of Indian affairs, Mr. Meeker referred to a piece of
ground that was sown that season to beets, turnips, peas, and the
like, by the help of Mrs. Danforth, the wife of his predecessor,
assisting the wife of a disabled Ute hunter. The Indians were
out on a hunt when agent Meeker took charge, and he states-
that he found this ground growing to weeds, and, to save the
crop, he hoed it out several times, and carried more than one
hundred pails of water to nourish it. When the Utes returned,
after an absence of more than six weeks, the wife of the dis-
abled Indian visited the garden, expressed surprise and ad-
miration, and remarked she was much obliged to him. He-
said he supposed the Indians had wholly abandoned the gar-
den, and, having none himself, he " naturally " concluded he
would have some of the products, " but (said he) they have en-
tered into possession, and I have no vegetables of any kind..
. . . Of course this style of Indian farming has, under my
administration, come to an end."

In the spring of 1879, hunting parties of the White river
Utes went north, passing beyond the limits of their reserva-
tion, and extending their excursions to the Parks in Western
Colorado. In these excursions they killed game, and sold the-
peltiies, etc., to persons who had stores near the northern,
border of their reservation, and, in exchange therefor, ob-
tained, it was said, among other things, ammunition and
whisky. The agent appeared ready to accept all accusations-
made against the Utes as true, and, early in the spring, wrote
the military commander at Fort Steele to arrest all the Utes
" bound north, and either hold them or send them back to the-
reservation. They deserve a lesson."

OUR INBIAN WARDS. 423

In July, 1879, Gov. Pitkin, of Colorado, stated, in a dis-
patch to the Indian office, that reports reached him daily
" that a hand of "White River Utes were off their reservation,,
destroying forests and game near North and Middle Parks.
" They have already (said the governor) hurned millions of
dollars worth of timber, and are intimidating settlers and
miners. . . . I respectfully request you to have telegraphic
orders sent troops at nearest post to remove Indians to their
reservation. If general government does not act promptly,
the State must. Immense forests are burning through West-
ern Colorado, supposed to have been tired by Indians. . . .
I am satisfied there is an organized effort on the part of In-
dians to destroy the timber of Colorado. . . . These sav-
ages should be removed to the Indian Territory, where they
can no longer destroy the finest forests in the state."

On the 7th of July, the Indian office informed agent Meeker
by telegraph of the contents of Gov. Pitkin's dispatch, and
said, if true, take active steps to secure the return of the In-
dians " to their reservation, and, if necessary, call upon near-
est military post for assistance." On the same day, and be-
fore these instructions were received, agent Meeker had for-
warded a dispatch to the Indian office, in which he said that
he had been informed that bands of Utes on Snake and Bear
rivers, and in Middle and N"orth Parks, were destroying game
for the skins, and burning timber, and that he had sent Chief
Douglas and an employe to order their return, and had re-
quested the commandant at Fort Steele to cause them to re-
turn.

Mai. Thornburgb, the commandant at Fort Steele, after an
investigation, wrote, on the 27th of July, that about the 25th
of June, a band of Utes from the "White Eiver agency made
their appearance at a mining camp on the divide, about sixty
miles south of his post, and engaged in hunting and trading
in the vicinity for about one week, when they departed, as
they said, for their agency. After referring to the charges
against the Indians, of burning timber, and wantonly destroy-
ing game, and intimidating settlers and miners, the command-
ant said: " I made inquiries, and could not find such a state
of affairs to exist ; but did find that the Indians had killed a

424 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

great deal of game and used the skins for trade. The miners
they visited in this section were not molested, but, on the con-
trary, were presented with an abundance of game. No stock
was molested, and, so far as I can learn, no one attributes the
burning of timber to these Indians." Much game is killed
in that region by white hunters, miners, and pleasure seekers,
the parks of "Western Colorado being every season frequented
by many of the latter. From the camp fii'es of these classes,
carelessly abandoned without being extinguished, many forest
fires originate. Agent Meeker appeared ready to believe
that the Utes were guilty, especially when such men as the
governor said they were.

On the 8th of September, 1879, Mr. Meeker sent a commu-
nication to Idle commissioner of Indian aft'airs, detailing what
occuiTed in relation to the plowing of a piece of ground
near the agency. He said that when the plowing commenced,
three or four Indians objected, claiming that their tents and
corrals were upon it, and they desired to occupy it. He of- '
fered to remove their corrals with his employes, and showed
them other places to locate, of which, he said, there were
many equally as good, but they refused. He told them that
if he were to remove the agency buildings two or three miles
away, they would come and claim equal squatters' rights there
also, and they replied that he had land enough plowed, and
they wanted the rest for their horses. The Indians would
listen to nothing, he said, and he ordered the plow to pro-
ceed. The strip laid oft" was a half a mile long and one hun-
dred feet wide, and when the plowman ran one furrow through
and came to the upper end, two Indians came out with guns
and ordered him not to plow any more. This was reported
to agent Meeker, and he directed the plowing to proceed.
"When the plowman, in obedience to this order, had made a
few rounds, he was fired upon from a cluster of sage-brush.
Then the agent ordered the plowing stopped, and called chief
Douglas in consultation. The chief said that since the Indians
who claimed the land wanted it, the agent ought to plow
somewhere else. Then agent Meeker sent for Jack, the rival
chief, who lived about ten miles away, whom, he said, had a
larger following than Douglas ; and this chief and his friends

OUR INDIAN WARDS, 425

■came to the agency, and the subject was discussed at length..
The conclusion reached was, that the ground laid off might
Tse plowed, but no more. The agent said he wanted to plow
at least fifty acres, and finally the Indians saicj he could plow-
as m.uch as he proposed. But this was either not understood,
or not assented to, by the claimants, who had their corrals on.
the land, and when the plow started again, they threatened
•vengeance if any more than the original plat was plowed.
The plow ran most of the forenoon, when the plowman be-
•coming alarmed, work ceased, and Jack and his men were
.again sent for, and another council was held. At this council
it was agreed that the agent should plow half the tract he
indicated, and inclose the balance, provided he would remove
the corrals, dig a well, help build a log cabin, and supply a
Tstove, to which he assented. The agent, in the close of his
report, said : "Altogether, there were not more than four lu-
-dian men engaged in this outbreak, properly there was only
one family, the wife of which speaks good English, having
been brought up in a white family. The remainder were rel-
.atives, and beside were several sympathizers, but by no means
.active. . . . Plowing will proceed, but whether unmo-
lested, I can not say."

On the 10th of September, the agent telegraphed to the
department, and said : " I bave been assaulted by a leading
<;hief, Johnson; forced out of my own house, and injured
hadly ; but was rescued by employes. It is now revealed that
Johnson originated all the trouble stated in letter of Septem-
ber 8th. . . . Plowing stops ; life of self, family, and em-
ployes not safe; want protection immediately; have asked
•Uov. Pitkin to confer with Gen. Pope."

On September 15th, the war department, at the request of
the Indian office, ordered that a detail of troops be sent from
the nearest military post, sufficient in number " to arrest such
Indian chiefs as are insubordinate, and enforce obedience to
the requirements of the agent, and afford him such protection
as the exigency of the case may require ; also that the ring-
leaders be held as prisoners until an investigation can be had."
On the same day the Indian office informed the agent that
troops were ordered, and directed that on their arrival he

426 OUR INDIA isr wards.

should cause the arrest of the leaders in the late disturbance^
and have them held until further orders. The agent replied
that the dispatch of the 15th was received, and would be
obeyed.

On the 25th of September, 1879, Maj. Thornburgh, then at
Fortification creek, and en route to the agency, sent a dis-
patch to agent Meeker. He said : " In obedience to instruc-
tions from the general of the army, I am en route to your
agency, and expect to arrive there on the 29th instant, for the
I)Urpose of affording you any assistance in my power in reg-
ulating your affairs, and to make arrests at your suggestion,
and to hold as prisoners such of your Indians as you desire^
until investigations are made by your department. I have
heard nothing definite from your agency for ten days, and do
not know what state of affairs exists — whether the Indians
will leave at my approach or show hostilities. I send this
letter by Mr. Lowrey, one of my guides, and desire you tO'
communicate with me as soon as possible, giving me all the-
information in your power, in order that I may know what
course I am to pursue. If practicable, meet me on the road
at the earliest moment."

On September 27th, agent Meeker wrote Maj. Thornburgh
as follows: " Understanding that you are on the way hither
with United States troops, I send a messenger, Mr. Eskridge,.
and two Indians, Henry (interpreter), and John Ayersley, to
inform you that the Indians are greatly excited, and wish you
to stop at some convenient camping place, and that you and
five soldiers of your command come into the agency, when a-
talk and a better undei'standing can be harl. This I agree, to,
but I do not propose to order your movements, but it seems
for the best. The Indians seem to consider the advance of
the troops as a declaration of real war. In this I am laboring-
to undeceive them, and at the same time to convince thenx
they can not do whatever they please. The first object now
is to allay apprehension."

On September 26th, Maj. Thornburgh telegraphed to his de-
partment commander, from Bear river : " Have met some-
Ute chiefs here. They seem friendly, and promise to go with
me to the agenc^. Say Utes do n't understand why we hav&

OUR INDIAN" WARDS. 427

come. Have tried to explain satisfactorily. Do not antici-
pate trouble."

On September 28tb, Maj. Thornburgh sent to the agent the
following : " I shall move my entire command to some con-
venient camp near and within striking distance of your
agency, reaching such point during the 29th. I shall then
halt and encamp the troops, and proceed to the agency witli
my guide and five soldiers, as communicated in your letter of
the 27th instant. Then and there I will be ready to have a
conference with you and the Indians, so that an understand-
ing may be arrived at, and my course of action determined.
I have carefully considered whether or not it would be ad-
visable to leave my command at a point as distant as that de-
sired by the Indians who were in my camp last night, and
have reached the conclusion that, under my orders, which require
me to march this command to the agency, I am not at liberty to
leave it at a point where it woidd not be available in case of trouble.
Yoa are authorized to say for me to the Indians, that my
course of conduct is entirely dependent upon them. Our de-
sire is to avoid trouble, and we have not come for war. I re-
quested you in my letter of the 26th [25th] to meet me on the
road before I reached the agency. I renew my request that
you do so, and further desire that you bring such chiefs as may
wish to accompany you."

In the narrative of Miss Josephine Meeker, she says
that the Indians at the agency first heard of the advance of
troops when Maj. Thornburgh's command was sixty miles
away. The fact was communicated by an Indian runner, who-
came in under great excitement. The next day the Indians-
held a council, and called on her father, and requested him to
write Maj. Thornburgh, and ask him to send in five officers
" to compromise and keep the soldiers off the reservation."
In agent Meeker's letter of September 27th, to Maj. Thorn-
burgh, he made known the wishes of the Indians, and their
request, and said that he agreed to it. The two Indians who
accompanied Eskridge, the messenger who bore the letter of
the agent to Maj. Thornburgh, returned to the agency on
Sunday morning, the 28th of September. After their arrival
Miss Meeker states that a council was held at the camp or

428 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

Douglas, and also at the agency ; that the American flag was
flying over the tents of the chief; that the other tents and
the women were all moved back, and the Indians greatly ex-
cited. The fact that the troops were advancing toward the
agency was no doubt known to the two Indians who came in
that morning, and by them communicated to the Indians, and
hence the excitement. On Monday, the 29th, Eskridge re-
turned. Miss Meeker states that he said " thei troops were
making a day and night march, and wanted it kept a secret ;
that Thornhurgh wanted it to be given out to the Indians that
he would meet Jive Utes at Milk creek, fifteen miles from the
agency, on Monday night, and desired an immediate answer.
Thornburgh was expected to reach the agency on Tuesday, at
noon, with the troops." At this juncture. Miss Meeker says,
" the Indians, who at first were angry, brightened up, and
Douglas sent two Indians with one white man, Eskridge, to
meet Thornburgh."

The agent himself had the information from some source,
during the forenoon of the 29th, that Thornburgh was to
leave his troops fifty miles away, and come to the agency.
He telegraphed the department at Washington, on that day,
and said : " Maj. Thornburgh leaves his command fifty miles
distant, and comes to-day with five men. Indians pro-
pose to fight if troops advance. A talk will be had to-mor-
row." The dispatch from which this extract is taken, dis-
closes the fact that the agent was disturbed in mind. In it he
states that Capt. Dodge, Ninth Cavalry, was at Steamboat
Springs, with orders to break up Indian stores, and keep the
Utes on the reservation ; that there was a brisk trade in guns
and ammunition, and when Capt. Dodge begins to enforce the
law, there will be no living at the agency without troops. On
the same day, but, without doubt, after agent Meeker had
sent this dispatch to Washington, he received Maj. Thorn-
burgh's note of the 28th of September, and to this he replied
at once. His note is dated September 29th, 1 p. m.

He says : " I expect to leave in the morning, with Douglas
and Serrick, to meet you ; things are peaceable, and Douglas
flies the United States flag. If you have trouble in getting
through the caflon to-day, let me know. We have been on

OUR INDIAN WARBS. 429

guard three nights, and shall be to-night, not because we
know there is danger, but because there may be. I like your
last programme ; it is based on true military principles." In
none of the published dispatches are the circumstances sur-
rounding the agent, or operating ' on his mind disclosed, at
the time he wrote and sent either of the dispatches of tlie
29th September. It is, however, clear that he could not have
received the dispatch of Thornburgh of the 28th before he
Bent his dispatch to Washington. It is apparent, that the
messenger, whom he sent with his note of 1 p. m., September
29th, was but a short distance, on his way when the scene
changed at the agency. Miss Meeker says, that " just before
Eskridge left with the Indians (to meet Maj. Thornburgh), a
runner was seen rushing up to the tent of Douglas with what
I since learned was news of the soldiers and Indians fight-
ing." To quote her words : " Half an hour later, twenty
armed Indians came from the camp of Douglas, and began fir-
ing. I was in the kitchen with my mother washing the dishes.
It was after noon. I looked out of the window and saw the
XJtes shooting at the boys who were working on the new
building." Daring the afternoon, the agent and all his male
employes, eight in number, were killed, the agency buildings
sacked and fired, and the women and children seized and car-
ried to the south.

Maj. Thornburgh 's command entered the Ute reservation
on the afternoon of September 28th. He was then, it was
said, twenty-five miles from the agency. On the morning
of the 29th, when about to enter a caflon, and fifteen miles
from the agency, Lieut, Cherry, who had been sent for-
ward with an advance guard to reconnoitre, was fired upon.
The fact being communicated to Maj. Thornburgh, he with-
drew his troops, and placed them in line of battle, with orders,
it was said, to await the attack of the Indians. The warriors,
about one hundred in number, soon .delivered a volley, and
the work of carnage began. These warriors were said to
have been from Jack's band.

It was stated that Jack and ten of his warriors were at Maj.
Thornburgh's camp on the evening of the 25th, and, at
that time, there is some reason to believe that the chief

430 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

was then not aware that the troops had been called for by the
agent. It is known that Mr. Meeker considered it important
that the fact that he had called for troops should be concealed
from the Indians, and had so telegraphed Gov. Pitkin. On
the 26th, it is said that Jack met and conversed with an em-
ploye bearing a dispatch to Capt. Dodge, and inquired of him
why the troops were coming to the reservation.

It is to be observed that Jack and his following had no
part or lot in the difficulty that grew out of the dispossession
■of the Indian family who had their tents and corrals on the
land that agent Meeker plowed. Jack was called in con-
sultation twice about this matter, but neither he nor any of
his people had any personal interest in the controversy. In-
deed, but few of Douglas' Indians had any interest in it.
The council with the agent, at which he was urged to send a
messenger to Maj. Thornburgh, and request him to camp his
troops and send in some of his officers to a conference, was
not attended by any of Jack's band. It does not appear that
:any of them were aware that such a request had been sent.

The difficulty with the Indian family, in relation to the re-
moval of their tents and corrals, and the plowing of the
ground, was settled before the 8th of September, the agent
agreeing to remove the corrals, dig a well, help build a log-
house, and furnish a stove — all of which he said he had pre-
viously promised ; and nothing was left but the punishment
of chief Johnson, for his assault on agent Meeker, and of
his son for shooting at the plowman. The conduct of this
chief and his son could not be overlooked. Both merited
punishment ; and, in the sixth article of the treaty, provision
is made for such cases. On the commission of any wrong or
depredation upon the person or property of any one, white,
black, or Indian, by any of the Utes, upon proof of the fact
and notice given to the confederate bands of Utes, they agree
that they will deliver up the wrong-doer to the United States,
to be tried and punished according to its laws. A demand
made in pursuance of this article, on the head chief, Ouray,
or even on Douglas, to whose band Johnson and his son be-
longed, would, no doubt, have been complied with, and the
guilty parties turned over to the United States for trial and

OUR INDIAN WARDS. 431

■pimisliment. Instead of following the provisions of tlie
treaty, troops were called for. It was eighteen days before
Maj. Thornburgli reached the reservation, and before he
had crossed the line the agent agreed with the Indians that
it were better for him to encamp his troops at some
proper point, and come in with a few of his officers for
■conference and consultation. This suggestion, Maj. Thorn-
burgh said he could not consider; that, under his orders,
he was required to march his command to the agency. It
is true that he learned from his orders that he was going
to White river to arrest insubordinate Indians, and enforce
obedience to the requirements of the agent. The agent said
to Maj. Thornburgh that the Indians considered his advance
as a declaration of real war. " They want jon to camp your
troops, and that you and five soldiers come into the agency,
when a talk and better understanding can be had- This
I agree to." Ute chiefs had also been to see Maj. Thorn-
burgh. lie found them friendly, but uneasy, and tried to
explain matters to them. He does not state how.

General Adams, a former agent of those Indians, was Bent
into the interior of the reservation, in pursuit of such Utes as
had the captive women and children. After a tedious, and
in some sense a dangerous journey, he succeeded in the res-
cue of all of them ; and a commission, consisting of General
Hatch, General Adams, and chief Ouray, was constituted to
investigate the case, and demand the surrender of the Utes
that participated in the murder of agent Meeker and his em-
ployes. The commission indicated twelve Indians as guilty
of the murders committed at the agency, and demanded that
these be surrendered to the United States. It was at one
time supposed the demand would be complied with. Indeed,
some of the parties, the dispatches stated, were in the posses-
sion of the commission ; but General Hatch and General
Adams said they must have all or none, and hence the com-
mission came away without any of those indicated as guilty,
and whom they had demanded. If it be true that such was
the action of these gentlemen, it would seem they are not
averse to a war with the Utes. To have retained such as

432 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

■were in their power would most probably, in time, have'
brought those remaining.

The news carried by the Indian runner to Douglas' camp
on the 29th of September, that the troops and the Indiana
were fighting, was calculated to inflame the minds of the war-
riors who heard it. They had understood that Maj. Thorn-
burgh would camp his troops, and come in to a conference, aa
they had suggested, and had shown symptoms of delight
when this was told them. To have this good news not only
dissipated, but to learn that a battle was going on, filled them
with indignation. They realized that deception had been
practiced upon them, and believed that the agent and hia
employes were parties to it, and in their savage wrath they
slew all of them. This was murder, and all the warriors who
participated in it should, upon trial and conviction, be pun-
ished. It is now said that the female captives, while in the
possession of the Utes, were brutally treated, and their per-
sons violated. In Miss Meeker's narrative, published October
29, 1879, there is no intimation of any thing of the kind. If
true, the guilty parties should be punished. If prudent coun-
sels prevail, these criminals may be secured and turned over
to the proper authorities without war.

It is, however, quite clear that Generals Sherman, Sheri-
dan, and other military gentlemen are anxious for a cam-
paign against the Utes. By the Chicago dispatches of the 2d
of October, 1879, Gen. Sheridan was represented as saying,
that while he knew not what course would be pursued if the
Indians immediately surrendered to Gen. Merritt, yet should
they not do so, " they will be exterminated, as the attack on
Maj. Thornburgh was a piece of the basest treachery, which
the military officers will resent, if it is in their power." And
Gen. Sherman, at the dinner of the New England Society, in
New York, on December 22, 1879, in referring to the Utes,
said : " They have been ordered to deliver up twelve Indian
murderers, and they can 't do it. But these Indians must sub-
mit, and deliver up these murderers, or take the consequences."
And the consequences were that they must " disappear from
the face of the earth." On the 3d of January, 1880, Gen.
Hatch telegraphed the authorities at Washington that the

OUR INDIAN WARDS. ' 433*

Indians demanded were not then in the power of Ouray,
and had not been since the 26th of December. He said in
the dispatch that when the Utes were assured that there was
no other way to avoid destruction, they would decide to turn
over the Indians demanded. .

If all be true that is said in relation to the TJte reservation,
a portion of it at least is the most valuable mineral country
in the United States, and many covetous eyes are fixed upon
it. The Utes have a title to the territory within this reserva-
tion, and the government of the United States has solemnly
pledged its faith and honor that they shall not be disturbed in
the quiet enjoyment of their country. Many propose to-
wrest this country from these Indians by violence ; others, to
declare the rights of the Utes forfeited by reason of the con-
flict with our troops, and the killing of the agent. Such dO'
not recognize any rights in the Indian that the white race^
is bound to respect. All persons holding such views, and
urging them, deserve severe rebuke and condemnation. If a.
suitable location could be found and secured, where these In-
dians could succeed as farmers, and with their consent fairly
and honorably obtained, they were removed to such location, it-
would no doubt be to the advantage of the youthful Indians
of the present generation, as well as the whole tribe in fu-
ture time, to transplant them. But the cry that " the Utes-
must go," and the sad affair at "White river, and the con-
flict with the troops of Maj. Thornburgh, be made the occa-
sion and excuse for their banishment, should not only be dis-
countenanced, but firmly resisted. And the savage cry for
exterminating them, so freely indulged in by military officers,,
should be sharply, speedily, and effectually rebuked. Officers
who indulge in such talk dishonor their government.

In the annual report of Gen. Sherman, completed early in
November, 1879, he devotes considerable space to the Ute In-
dians, and states that they are of the worst class, and occupy
the roughest part of our country, for farming, grazing, or
for military purposes. He embodies in his report the lettera
of Maj. Thornburgh to agent Meeker, dated September 25
and 28; also, the letters of agent Meeker to Maj. Thorn-
28

434 OUR INDIAN WARDS.

burgh, dated September 27 and 29, which he sayB are the last
letters that passed between them. He states that he gives
these letters entire, because he believes "that Maj. Thorn-
burgh acted, from beginning, to end, exactly right." He
adds : " So did agent Meeker ; and the crimes afterward com-
mitted rest wholly on the Indians."

In point of fact, Gen. Sherman is in error when he assumes
that agent Meeker's letter of September 29 (1 p. m), was re-
ceived by Maj. Thornburgh. On the 11th of October, as
Gen. Merritt's command emerged from the canon, on its way
to the agency, the body of Dresser, the employe who bore the
agent's letter, was found in the mouth of an old coal mine.
He had been wounded, and had taken refuge in this mine,
and there died. The letter of September 29 was found in his
pocket. Hence, Maj. Thornburgh was only in possession of
one letter from the agent, and, in that, he was informed that
the Indians considered his advance " as a declaration of real
war."

It is submitted that Gen. Sherman is not justified in say-
ing that the Ute Indians are of the worst class. This is a
sweeping charge, covering both their mental, moral, and phy-
sical condition. In the discussions in which they engaged
with the McCook commission, in 1872, and with Mr. Brunot,
in 1873, with reference to the surrender of a portion of their res-
ervation (to be found in these pages), they compare favorably
with the representatives of the government, in the frankness
and business-like manner in which they dealt with the ques-
tions ; and the patient submission with which, at all times,
they have borne the wrong and injury they have received from
those who have intruded upon and overrun their reservation,
while the government has failed to protect their rights, and
fulfill its treaty obligations toward them, should shield the
Utes from such an unjust charge. That these Indians are
very poor and ill-clad, and withal ill-fed, is no doubt true ;
but it does not follow that they are bad, or of the " worst
class."

Among the crimes for which the general of the army holds
the Utes responsible, is' the killing of Maj. Thornburgh and
fiuch of his command as fell on the 29th of September, 1879.

OUE INDIAN WAEDS. 435

Xet this matter be looked at calmly and impartially. Maj.
Thornburgh was ordered to the Ute reservation, for the pur-
pose of affording the agent assistance, and to make arrests at
the agent's suggestion, and to hold as prisoners such Indiahs
as might be indicated. He is advised by the agent, as he ap-
proaches, but before he reaches the boundary of the reserva-
"tion, that the Indians desire him to stop and camp his troops,
and come in with a few officers, to the agency, for a confer-
ence, and to this Mr. Meeker said he agreed. Maj. Thorn-
burgh replied that his orders from the general of the army were
■such that he could not comply. He said he was, by his orders,
required to march his command to the agency. The Indians
had protested ; they considered this an invasion of their
-country, a challenge to battle, an act of real war, and, as
such, they accepted it. As Gen. Sherman was the author of
the order, and Major Thornburgh, in attempting to execute
it, did, in the opinion of his superior, "exactly right," it
-seems clear that the calamity came from the attempt to per-
form what was required by the order. If some discretion had
been given to Maj. Thornburgh, and, in the exercise of this,
he had complied with the request of the Indians, to which
the agent agreed, and camped his troops before, or even
■soon after he had entered the reservation, every one will
admit that no battle could have taken place between the In-
dians and the troops, and hence no occasion have arisen for
the tragedy at the agency. In his testimony before the
joint committee of the Forty-fifth Congress, Gen. Sherman
admitted that a large discretion should be allowed in the In-
-dian service. In his instructions to Maj. Thornburgh, his
orders were imperative, and that officer was in the line of his
duty in attempting to execute them. Let the responsibility
for the sad calamity at Milk creek, and the afflicting tragedy
at White river agency, on September 29, 1879, rest upon the

proper party.

A delegation of the Ute Indians is now at Washington, and
inquiry and investigation are being had in the interior depart-
ment, and by the House committee on Indian affairs, as to the
-origin of the trouble with the White river Utes. It would
he idle to express any opinion as to the scope of the investi-

436 OUE INDIAN WARDS.

tion or conclusions that may be reached. One of the results^
that many will desire is that the TJtes be removed from Col-
orado. In this the government should move slowly, and pro-
vide in advance a suitable tract of land where these people
can by cultivation of the soil make their own support. The-
government should not act prematurely, because of the un-
reasonable and imperious demands of the governor of Col-
orado,' backed by the senators and representatives from that
State, or be swayed by the pressing clamor of the hosts of men
who now have interests in the mines there, re-echoed by other
hosts who stand ready to enter into the Ute country. The
TJte mind should be reached, and the Indians made sensible-
of the fact that their true interests will be promoted by re-
moving from the mountains of Colorado to a tract of coun-
try were they may become independent, self-supporting farm-
ers, and this done, their free consent could be obtained for
the surrender of their present reservation. For this surrender
they should have assured to them a perfect title to the home
to which they may be transplanted, and, in addition, a fair
money consideration.